Mw. Muwanga-Zake / netters,
it is not unusual for people like Ocaya p'Ocure to declare that Mengo wanted
to kick Obote's government off Buganda soil, without making any attempt to
mention the events culminating in that act, thereby giving the impression
that somehow the members of the Lukiiko just woke up one fine morning and
decided to order Obote out of Buganda without any reason. As I will show
below, several attempts were made, not only by the Great Lukiiko but also by
the then President Muteesa II himself, to bring Obote to reason and convince
him to change his ways and retract his unconstitutional acts - all to no
avail. It was only after all attempts had failed, that the Lukiiko made it
clear that the basis on which Buganda had agreed to be part of an
independent country called Uganda had been violated and told Obote to remove
his government from Buganda soil.
Having said that, the Lukiiko was the only institution that made any visible
attempt to stop Obote's illegal acts while others were numb due to his
machinations.
Now to the events:
The Uganda government had supported the Congolese Simba rebels led by Gbenye
(an army whose fighters dressed in monkey skins and cannibalized their
opponents) during the armed conflict between Tshombe and Gbenye in the early
60s. At the end of the operations, some Ugandan MPs started raising
questions as to who authorized the Uganda forces beyond guarding the Uganda
border. There were also allegations that gold and ivory was brought back and
shared among certain individuals. The issue was first publicly discussed in
Parliament when a government backbencher tabled a motion on 12th March 1965
concerning the security situation in Buganda, the main objective of which
was to ban Kabaka Yekka (KY) by branding it a party of criminals. During the
debate, a DP member, Gaspari Oda, sought to amend the motion by adding
corruption in the civil service and armed forces, which he said was a factor
in the insecurity not only in Buganda but throughout the country. The
amendment was finally defeated but not before Daudi Ochieng (KY) and
Alexander Latim (DP) had introduced a lot of information in support of the
amendment. Ochieng confirmed that the insecurity was not confined to Buganda
but was spread throughout the country; that the soldiers patrolling near the
Congo border in West Nile were becoming lawless; that morale in the armed
forces was low due to the soldiers' belief that a few senior officers were
making personal financial gain out of the border incidents.
Ochieng also informed Parliament that Amin, who was then Deputy Commander of
the Uganda Army, had visited West Nile several times and had been seen
bringing back parcels to his home in Entebbe which he guarded with utmost
security. Through a mistake by the post office, whereby Amin's bank
statement was put into the wrong box, the following information about his
deposits became available: he had deposited $1500 on 5th February 1965;
$9000 on 15th Feb; $3000 on 17th Feb; $28250 on 26 Feb and $3250 on 2nd
March. As Amin had no known private means of income, Ochieng wanted Onama,
the Minister of Defence, to initiate an investigation into this sudden
windfall. Incidentally, Onama had told Parliament at the beginning of the
debate that Amin's bank account stood at $2400.
Before introducing the information to Parliament, Ochieng and Latim had the
courtesy of informing Onama and the Inspector Gneral of Police about the
whole situation. When Amin got wind of the reports, he phoned Latim and
threatened to kill him and Ochieng. He later apologized to both gentlemen
claiming that he had been upset by the allegations about his bank account.
Onama, on his part, dismissed the allegations against Amin calling them
"latrine talks". He even suggested that Amin's relatives had given him the
money, or that Congolese refugees might have given it to him for safe
keeping. Realizing the futility of his justifications, Onama promised to
initiate investigations into the matter. The investigations were never
carried out, since Brigadier Opolot, the Commander of the Uganda Army, was
prevented from initiating them according to the Military Law.
The matter was left unanswered until Ochieng revived it on 4th February 1966
after the Penal (Amendment) Bill, section 41, which sought to curb the
activities of KY, had been passed. His motion sought to suspend Amin pending
investigations into his account. Ochieng alleged that some members of the
government, together with Colonel Amin, were planning a coup to overthrow
the Constitution. During the debate, it was disclosed that Milton Obote,
Felix Onama and Adoko Nekyon, Minister of Planning and Community
Development, had received large amounts of money from gold and elephant
tusks from Congo after Uganda Army's incursions into that country. All the
ministers present, except Onama (who denied the charges), were of the
opinion that there was substance in the allegations. The Prime Minister knew
that Ochieng would introduce the motion on 4th February but in his usual
cowardly manner decided to go on a tour of the North from 1st Feb. until
12th Feb. All MPs present on both sides of the House, except
government-backbencher John Kakonge, agreed to the suspension of Idi Amin
and the police investigations. Nevertheless, Colonel Amin was just given two
weeks' leave in contradiction to Parliament's wishes. Kakonge curiously
stated that Obote's absence was suspicious.
On 13th February 1966, nine days after the accusations against him, Obote
called a press conference and denied ever receiving gold or tusks from Congo
or participating in any plans to overthrow the Constitution. As to the
suspension of Amin, he said that there were still legal hitches to be
straightened out before Parliament's resolution could be put into effect.
Meanwhile, Onama, Amin and Nekyon also denied the accusations and demanded
an apology from Ochieng within two days, which Ochieng rightly ignored. On
15th February the Cabinet asked Obote to read a statement to the press
announcing it's decision to set up a judicial commission to investigate
Ochieng's allegations. He also called on Ochieng to make a statement to the
police by 19th February.
Ochieng made the statement to the police but instead of suspension, Obote
promoted Amin to the post of Commander of Uganda Army with effect from 23rd
February 1966 and created a new post of Military Advisor to the Cabinet into
which he moved Brigadier Opolot. (this is nowadays called 'putting someone
on katebe').
On 22nd February, Obote out of the blue staged a coup d'etat against his own
government and usurped all powers with the following statement:
'In the interest of national stability and public security and tranquility,
I have today, the 22nd day of February 1966, taken over all powers of the
government of Uganda. (under which article of the constitution ?)
I shall henceforth be advised by a Council whose members I shall name later.
I have taken this course of action independently because of my understanding
of the wishes of the people of this country for peace, order and prosperity.
(yeah, right !)
Five former ministers have today been put under detention pending
investigations into their activities.
I call upon the judges and magistrates, civil servants - both Uganda and
expatriate members of the security forces and the general public to carry on
with their normal duties.
I take this opportunity to assure everybody that the whole situation is
under control.'
The five ministers who were arrested during a cabinet meeting and put under
detention were: Dr. E.S. Lumu- Minister of Health and Chairman of UPC
Buganda Region; Grace Ibingira - Minister of State and Chairman of UPC
Ankole Kingdom; M. Ngobi - Minister of Agriculture & Cooperatives; B.K.
Kirya - Minister of Mineral and Water Resources and Chairman of UPC Bukedi
District and G.B. Magezi - Minister of Housing and Labour.
Obote's acts were the beginning of unconstitutionalism in Uganda. Firstly,
contrary to the Constitution, one man had usurped all powers of the
Government. Secondly, although the Prime Minister had the right to select
his own Cabinet, the ministers had to be appointed by the President.
Consequently, a minister could only be dismissed if the President (with the
advice of the Prime Minister) so directed. As to the five ministers, the
President had not so directed. Thirdly, the warrants for detention were
signed by a magistrate long after the ministers had been arrested and
deported to Patiko in Gulu. This was done even before a judicial inquiry, as
prescribed by law, was initiated.
But that wasn't all. On 24th Feb. 1966 came the big blow. Obote suspended
the Constitution with effect from 7pm of that day and issued a declaration
purpoting to implement his unconstitutional acts. There was no provision in
the Constitution for the suspension of the Constitution or any part of it by
either the National Assembly or any individual. Obote justified his
unconstitutional acts by making false claims that while on his tour of the
North, some people in high places were making requests to foreign missions
in Uganda for massive military assistance involving foreign soldiers and
arms. The declaration itself was signed by 13 ministers some of whom must
have done so in absentia since they were nowhere near Entebbe on that day.
One minister took to his heels after the arrest of his 5 colleagues. It is
fair to say that the signing of the declaration was not quite voluntary.
In this intimidating atmosphere, Obote set up a Commission of Inquiry into
the Congo gold allegations on 28th Feb. It would have of course been suicide
for any person to come forward and give evidence against a Prime Minister
who had taken over all powers of government, suspended the Constitution and
even imprisoned his colleagues. Furthermore, he instructed the Commission
that evidence that would adversely affect the reputation of any person or
reflect upon his character or conduct would not be received ! (What was then
the purpose of the Commission, I ask ?)
On 3rd March, Obote made a TV and radio announcement during which he
directly accused Sir Edward Muteesa with trumped-up charges of having called
on some foreign diplomats to supply him (Muteesa) with troops in order to
invade Uganda. He also accused him of dereliction of duty by failing to sign
the "lost counties" Referendum Act, 1964; failure to sign the Act setting
out the Buganda/Bunyoro boundaries, 1965; and failure to perform the
official opening of the session of Parliament on 15th November 1965. These
were the justifications Obote gave for suspending the Constitution and
abolition of the offices of President and Vice-President.
TO BE CONTNUED
From: Johnnie Muwanga-Zake <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Re: SV: RE: SV: [FedsNet] RE: SV: Re: [Northernlightnet] Museveni
success game is done!
Date: Tue, 31 May 2005 03:22:55 -0700 (PDT)
Mr Ocaya pOcure,
First - what led to Obote being told to remove his govt. from Buganda?
Second - it would seem that Obote did not have the constitutional power to
remove a President, then Muteesa II (RIP). If sending Obote off Buganda was
bad, it was worse to overthrow a president and exile him, especially if in
your view sending Obote off Buganda soil meant that he was a foreigner.
I.e., was Muteesa II a foreigner too?
Ocaya pOcure <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
Oryema,
Please do not read historical events and interpret them as a novice,
because we all read that OBOTE was told under no certain term to REMOVE HIS
GOVERNMENT FROM BUGANDA SOIL. This can easily clearly be interpreted that
OBOTE WAS AND IS AN ALIEN. Therefore, I kindly request you to talk to me as
not your peer but some sort of a person from Acoliland village boy who have
read Ugandan history although I never live or witnessed some of the said
historical events of Uganda!
Mark you, therefore that I am not ready to be path on the back by anybody
in this or any other forum as you seem to expect from some quarters. But I
am stating the events as they evolved meanwhile you expect me to stuck on
your yoke of the only wrong person in Uganda politics is OBOTE as a way you
were brought up to propagate! About Constitutional Democratic Federalism in
Uganda, I think you should count on me. I support Pure Federalism in
Uganda, but not the one which M7 and his cahoots in Mengo are trying to
decieve us with, which you dearly call KIFEDERO or endorse under the night
meanwhile in day time you talk to us a different tongue!
My brother Oryema, let us not forget that the history of Uganda had not
started with OBOTE but long before he was born. I have to remind you about
the An Ethnic Majority Groups Syndrome, which was even used by the
British colonialism when they came to colonised Uganda, which itself became
the Benchmark of the current genocide in the country to called Uganda! Why
are we other Ugandans not whinny like wild horses because of this wrong
political OMEN of our country? Oryema what is your thinking about northern
Uganda your own root?
Bye
Ocaya pOcure
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