Kigali: The hidden truth behind the rift within the Hutu rebels ranks.

By AfroAmerica Network

Kigali, Rwanda, July 15, 2004

FOUR REBEL GROUPS WITHOUT A CAUSE.

In both September 3, 2004 and April 16, 2005 AfroAmerica Network articles focused on deep divisions and political infighting with the main Rwandan Hutu opposition group.   Recently the divisions reached new heights with the creation of two political wings with same name and two military wings with yet two other names.

The political wings, both with the same name: FDLR, are led respectively by Mr. Ignace Murwanashyaka and Lt. Colonel Christopher Hakizabera. The military wings with the names, FOCA and FOCA-New Forces for Change are led respectively by Major General Sylvestre Mudacumura and Colonel Mahoro Amani.  While Mudacumura and Murwanashyaka work closely, both Christopher Hakizabera and Mahoro remain independent and maintain loose connection through the Congolese Government that engineered Colonel Mahoro’s coup. Christopher Hakizabera lent his support to Colonel Mahoro, who promised to do the same. However things did not turn out as expected.  

  

ROOTS OF THE DIVISION.

The division within FDLR are rooted well in its past. According to sources within FDLR, all started in 2002 when the FDLR were expelled from Kinshasa, Lubumbashi and Kamina. The then President Ignace Murwanashyaka took a large sum of money from FDLR reserves but never told any of his colleagues. Then in summer 2003, he was also given another larger sum of money to buy medicines for the soldiers. Instead of using the money to buy medicines, he bought himself a taxi cab which he shares with the current spokesperson of his wing, Anastase Munyandekwe and used the rest for personal matters of high ranking officers, especially Mudacumura. The rest of the money was shared among a few friends of Murwanashyaka at the time, who included Joseph Ndirabanzi and  Emmanuel Hakizamana.

This embezzlement was compounded with the lack of leadership and the intelligence with General Rwarakabije, the former commander of FOCA who defected to Kigali. When Dr. Murwanashayaka was demoted, Pr. Higiro took over. However, the high ranking officers having the business with Dr. Murwanashyaka opposed Pr. Higiro and the FDLR imploded, first at the political wing level, and then at the level of the army. Pr. Higiro and his faction created what was to be known as Rally of Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (R-FDLR), which in June 2005 changed the name to Rally for Unity and Democracy (RUD-Urunana).

When Higiro's faction split from Munyeshaka's fraction, all of the political leadership basically followed Pr. Higiro. However, over the insistence that Munyandekwe and Emmanuel Hakizimana had to pay back the embezzled money, these two rejoined Murwanashyaka's faction who, seeking allies and also having shared the money, welcomed them with open arms.

Serious consultations were launched to set up a new FDLR  political leadership. Hakizabera, who hoped to replace Murwanashyaka, remained with Higiro's group. Then in January and February 2004, two things happened: First, Joseph Ndirabanze, a close ally to Christopher Hakizabera  was  expelled from the party for his unlawful contacts with RPF intelligence services. Second,   it became clear that the new president was going to be  Higiro. That is when Christopher Hakizabera switched sides.

The rift problem then moved from the political to the military level. Young people were extremely unhappy with Sylvester Mudacumura and accused him of having shared the embezzled money with Ignace Murwanashyaka. Colonel Mudacumura, who, after the defection of General Rwarakabije,  was de facto commander of the FOCA held a urgent meeting and confirmed  himself Commander and promoted himself to Major General. This behavior increased the discontent among young officers and the rank and file. To preempt any open split, Mudacumura declared his unwavering allegiance to Murwanashyaka in early June 2005. However, young officers, especially those already inside or close to Rwanda borders, rejected Mudacumura's authority and created what is known as Armee Nationale (National Army)  wich is the military wing of RUD-Urunana.

WASH MY HAND, I WILL WASH YOURS.

When Hakizabera joined Murwanashyaka he gave conditions, as goes the saying: I will wash your hand and you will wash mine. Hakizabera was going to launch a campaign exonerating Murwanashyaha, but Murwanashyaka was going to stand down in favor of Christopher Hakizabera, once things calm down.  Hakizabera along with Emmanuel Hakizimana and Anastase Murwanashyaka launched a vicious campaign essentially accusing Higiro's group of "regionalism".

Higiro's group responded by creating the R-FDLR and the National Army, officially and irrevocably splitting from the group. That is when Hakizabera started to ask Murwanashyaka to fulfill his pledge to stand down. Murwanashyaka with the help of Mudacumura,  refused to stand down. Instead, with the help of Major Misheli, a brother-in-law of Murwanashyaka and Mudacumura's spokesperson, he  launched a campaign against Hakizabera, accusing him of being a RPF's member, a homeless, and a regionalist. Hakizabera along with Joseph Ndirabanzi responded by threatening to publish the conspiracy between Mucadumura, Murwanashyaka, and Munyandekwe in embezzling money.  Mudacumura proposed to hold new elections and to require that Munyandekwe pays 600 Euros per month from the revenues from the Taxicab that he manages on the behalf of Mudacumura and Murwanashyaka and that was bought from the embezzled money.

ANOTHER JUDAS.

Hakizabera and Ndirabanzi agreed to the terms, with the hope that they will undoubtedly win the elections, especially with the help of Hyacinthe Rafiki, the Commissioner in charge of Security and Intelligence. Munyandekwe never fulfilled the promise to pay the monthly installment of euros 600. In the background, Emmanule Hakizimana with the help of Major Amani Mahoro, a childhood friend, started his own secret smear campaign against both Murwanashyaka and Hakizabera. He accused Murwanashyaka of embezzlement and lack of leadership, while accusing Hakizabera of being a RPF's member, a homeless and a regionalist. 

 

 Hence, when the campaign was open, there were three candidates to the Presidency: Murwanashyaka, Hakizabera and Hakizimana.  However, Major Amani Mahoro advised Hakizimana to withdraw his candidacy because, he said, Mudacumura will do everything to have Murwanashyaka win the elections.   Hakizimana withdrew his candidacy, but with the stated reason of increasing Hakizabera’s chances of winning.

Meanwhile there was the Rome pledge to disarm. To get the FOCA to the table, the Congolese government paid back salaries due to FDLR troops since 1998, up to US $300,000. Out of this money, Murwanashyaka and Mudacumura took for themselves and their cronies 40%, while the rest of the FOCA received 60%, equivalent to roughly $8 per each individual.  Also, Mudacumura sent to Rome only his closest friends and allies and ignored Major Mahoro who had been instrumental in the negotiations with the Congolese Government and the MONUC. Themoney and the composition of the Rome delegation became the major cause that pushed Colonel Mahoro to rebel. He taped into the discontent of the rank and file and in the generosity of MONUC and the Congolese government.

FOUR PARTIES IN ONE BODY.

Hakizabera lost elections and conceded the defeat n favor of Murwanashyaka. To increase Hakizabera’s chances, Hakizimana had withdrawn his candidacy. Hakizimana, Hyacinthe Rafiki, Hakizabera, and Joseph Ndirabanzi were resigned to their fate, when, as a  godsend gift, they heard that Colonel Mahoro had rebelled, with the help of MUNUC and the Congolese Government, unhappy with Mudacumura and Murwanashyaka’s failure to get the troops to abide by Rome’s pledges. A true opportunist, the quarto threw their support over Colonel Mahoro, and officially severed their links with Murwanashyaka’s group.  

However, there was a problem: Colonel Mahoro’s followers made it clear they have nothing to do with Hakizabera. Hakizabera’s group flew to Kinshasa early July 2005 to try to get the cooperation of Colonel Mahoro’s followers with the help of the Congolese government. Meanwhile,  MONUC’s military operations  in the East DRC  have complicated the matter. Let us wait and see.


©AfroAmerica Network, July 2005.
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