Southern Africa — the world in a grain of sand


IT’S a pregnant moment. Zimbabwe’s womb swells full, fecund with possibilities. 
Developments sprout, events pick pace and interpreters grapple to meaning. In 
Lusaka, Mbeki reports progress on inter-party talks he mediates; the West, 
livid at hearing progress, takes Mbeki off the pedestal of affection, takes him 
on with the kind of searing vengeance hitherto only known to, and suffered by 
Mugabe. 

Mbeki has now joined Mugabe in the pantheon of the reviled. The West's charge 
sheet is clear and eloquent: he has become bad, very bad too. Clearly he has 
slouched into the "nationalistic liberation rhetoric" so seemly of Mugabe, so 
unseemly of him. He is the worst successor to so fine a legacy which Mandela 
built, we are again told by the magisterial West. 

His regime must be changed, or for a start discomfited. Much worse happens. 
South Africa is rocked by an unusual disturbance: violent riots by that 
country’s poor. They, we are told, are so fed up to remain homeless, so tired 
of a benighted life they have led since apartheid. The riots claim one life, 
shot dead. Up until now, South Africa was a land of success, the best democracy 
on the continent, a crushing indictment on Zimbabwe's ill-governed polity. In 
short, the land of plenty to which hungry Zimbabwean run for respite. But soon 
after Lusaka, South Africa’s immemorial poor, suddenly realise their poverty, 
causally locating it in Mbeki’s "indifferent" governance! Clearly the arm of 
the white man has a long reach, and touches far. 

Fawning liberal pity 

Meanwhile there is a raging debate on this land of Azania, touching on the fate 
of some deputy minister of health sacked by Mbeki for playing internal 
opposition to the ANC Government policies, to wild cheers from white interests 
and their hired black hoodlums. 

Such howling from quarters which daily mark and give poor performance to 
Mbeki’s ministers, daily exhorting him to sack his entire cabinet for countless 
malfeasances, mostly imagined! Why this sudden closing of ranks in defence of a 
mere deputy minister: little known, until now little mentioned and presumably 
little liked? It makes me sad when white interests successfully fawn love and 
concern of us, getting hordes of us to their side. It makes their hypocrisy 
legitimate, unassailable even. It makes us obdurate fools, acutely anxious to 
win pity, white and liberal pity. 

Mandela in a Square hole

Meanwhile new British PM, Brown, is busy unveiling a statue of former President 
Nelson Mandela, presumably to symbolise Brown’s Labour’s love of Africa, and 
hopefully Africans. 

Who accuses the British establishment for hating Africans and their freedom 
when right in front of Parliament Square stands tall and stolid Nelson Mandela, 
albeit in effigy? Who? And given the timing, namely soon after Lusaka, I 
suppose Mbeki is supposed to be piqued by such recognition, piqued and 
embarrassed for taking such a hostile stance against British interests in 
Zimbabwe, interests so magnanimous as to honour the one who gave him power. 
Ingrate! 

Changing Mbeki's regime

Meanwhile again, some innocuous, little visible district of the ANC in 
Johannesburg becomes a major media character in South Africa’s white press. 
Reason? Well, concerned about the muck surrounding the succession matter within 
the ANC, they have just approached Cyril Ramaphosa to tidy up things by 
offering himself for presidency. Ramaphosa coquettishly denies any interest in 
the matter, the same way Sexwale didn’t. 

This ANC district demands that Ramaphosa sands, to loud echoes from big 
businesses to which Ramaphosa got wedded and served as an intern soon after 
1994. 

Politics in South Africa can be quite cynical: people on polar opposites of the 
welfare and material pendulum, can make each other do things that suggest they 
live in intimacy and solidarity, nay, are sharers of a destiny. I mean it is 
amazing that captains of Sanlam can get a district of the ANC in Johannesburg 
moving for Ramaphosa! And like a huge air disaster, the story balloons and gets 
lifted — very high, very far — to become a centrepiece for white journalism in 
Europe and America. All this against the backdrop of an unequivocal verdict 
from the white world: that Mbeki and SADC "can’t work" after having failed to 
nail Mugabe in Lusaka.

Postponing the election launch

Back home, the Herald reports Zanu (PF)'s Politburo is happy with the 
Mbeki-mediated inter-party talks, seemingly vindicating Mbeki’s report in 
Lusaka which said real progress had registered on this front. The latest 
meeting of the inter-party talks had been held last Saturday, 1st September, a 
mere eight days shy of the day bin Laden stepped into history, name bedecked by 
epaulets of eternity. 

Previous week, Tsvangirai, whose faction is represented at these talks by Biti, 
is in Australia, winning lonely standing ovations of Howard and Downer for 
asking for more wrongs for Zimbabweans, including harsher sanctions. Of course 
he is rewarded a small purse with which to fight Zanu (PF) in the forthcoming 
elections, that is, if Anglo-American plans to stop Mugabe before then fail. 

Tsvangirai’s is a posture well calculated to provoke, hopefully succeeding in 
wrecking the Mbeki dialogue, and with it, the possibility of the poll set for 
March, which the British and the Americans fear so much. Tellingly, the 
Tsvangirai faction calls off its election campaign launch, originally set in 
Harare for September 9, as if in presentiment of a disaster of twin-towers 
proportions which awaits them, should they ever participate in that poll. 

The reason given is quite ironic: the faction wants to wait and see the final 
outcome to Mbeki's mediation. As if that reason did not exist when the 9 
September launch date was set. Never mind that only a week before, Tsvangirai 
himself was working so hard to wreck these talks. Zanu (PF) instructs its 
government to initiate the parliamentary processes which eventually will turn 
Amendment No. 18 into law, to no protests from MDC legislators. 

We, the NCA

Except feeble ones from Mukonoweshuro, himself part of the thrust to white 
Australia. He says the announcements is of no consequence, unless it had come 
jointly from the negotiating teams. He never pauses to think that the same 
point precisely makes his reaction a nullity. He is part of the negotiating 
team. Will never be. 

For that reason, he does not know that after the Saturday meeting, all teams 
were asked to report back to their respective constituencies on progress made 
so far, which is why Chinamasa needed to brief the Politburo. And of course a 
negative reaction from the head-sharp Madhuku and his forlorn NCA which thinks 
it is "the people". NCA says the amendment is not "by the people and for the 
people". You pity that phrase, so worse for wear. Anything which happens 
outside of the NCA automatically happens "without the people"! Madhuku adds: 
"amendment number 18 has only one purpose: to promote the interests and agenda 
of those who are currently in government and would want to remain so forever". 
Really, only those "currently in government"? You almost feel like reminding 
him of what Makumbe said of him recently: very loud futility incarnate. 
Mutambara is dead quiet — or dead dead — too numbed to comment on either 
Tsvangirai’s hare-brained address in Australia, on the talks, or on
 anything. Clearly completely concussed and buffeted, nicely retreating into 
the silence of boyhood which should have been his before a foolhardy venture 
into the arena of tussling elders. 

A world in a grain of sand

Back home, Zanu (PF) announces not a people’s Annual Conference, but an 
Extraordinary Congress. Its constitution does not allow congresses to be 
brought forward, which would have taken care of the problem of a tardy 2009, 
itself the date for the next ordinary Congress. 

And for it, Extraordinary Congresses are a one-item agenda, which immediately 
begs the question: what is this lonely item, yet one so powerful enough to move 
so phlegmatic a formation that Zanu (PF) is known to be? Pregnant times. Of 
course the other time the old Zanu (PF) did this was to prepare for the Unity 
Accord, and of course much later in 2000 to deal with the 1999 Congress’ 
unfinished business. 

I can see speculation running wild, even suggesting another unity accord is 
nigh. Fie, fie! What unity? With whom? MDC? God forbid! MDC is not PF-Zapu. Can 
never be. It is not Zimbabwean. Again, can never be. It has to be defeated. 
Extirpated from the body-politic. So what then? Let me be banal revealingly, 
and here I go: the Extraordinary Congress will be about Zanu (PF)!

Brown is an old, waning colour

All of which means what? Firstly, that there has been appreciable progress on 
that part of the talks which matters. Which is why the British are furious — 
very furious — with part of that fury coming through their mouthpiece here, the 
Zimbabwe Independent. 

Since when has this British, sorry, Zimbabwe Independent devoted a whole 
editorial to a rival paper called the Chronicle? Madame Dare at the British 
Chancery here had squirted litres of such anger, warning the Zimbabwe 
Government not to expect a soft line from Brown. As if the Zimbabwe Government 
is trimming for accommodation from the British establishment! Clear colonial 
self-affectation on the part of the British to believe that Zimbabwe without a 
Britain is doomed! Who believe the principal purpose of an African head of 
state is to trim for an endorsement from the Metropolis. She thinks Zimbabwe’s 
silence since Brown's ascendancy was a wish and bid for ingratiation with the 
new Brown. 

Together with the Independent she says the same establishment which served 
Blair still underpins Brown. It is supposed to be a mighty revelation. Who in 
the Zimbabwean Government does not know that Brown is an old colour? And no one 
tells Dare — and her Zimbabwe Independent — that the same speculation could be 
reversed: is Brown’s silence to date an expectation of a climb-down on the part 
of Mugabe? That Mugabe will say, Mr. Mighty Emperor, Terror of the Universe, 
one whose fart trembles the earth, please sent back your kith and kin so 
wrongfully ejected, to reassume control of the land? None in the single-minded 
Independent stops to ask: why did the same establishment which backed Thatcher 
and Major, still break with a set policy on land to infuriate Zimbabwe? Spare 
me the crap about Conservatives and Labour, while talking about the 
"establishment". Surely establishment are for continuity, if the logic of Dare 
and her Independent is anything to go by. 

An olive branch is always green

The equation is clear, very clear. MDC is created as an all-British party 
effort through the Westminster Foundation. That cannot make support for it a 
subject of party vicissitudes, let alone intra-party putsch and change of 
guard. This extraordinary collaboration of British parties stemmed from the 
trans-party nature of British interests here and overseas in general. 

We have an across-parties British absentee landed gentry here, a matter made a 
lot easier by the easy-as-corruption criteria for meriting British lordship. 
Britain’s commercial interests here remain implacable, and are perceived as 
threatened by the liberation ethos of Southern Africa, whose epicentre is 
Zimbabwe. 

They remain both politically anxious and influential, if not determinant. It 
cannot be a matter for a nearly Labour premier like Blair. Still worse for 
un-telegenic, dull colour Brown. It is a matter for defensively embattled 
Britain, whoever governs it. Thatcher and Major represented that phase in the 
Britain-Zimbabwe relationship when the latter believed charm and minor 
concessions could be deployed to disarm the revolution variously, not least 
through growing a conservative middle within it. 

That phase ended with Blair, opening the present chapter of open conflict, one 
whose resolution cannot be a matter of British foreign policy generosity. 
Brown’s appointment of another Brown — one Malloch Brown — into his cabinet, 
sent a clear message to thinking Zimbabwe. 

This other Brown was Britain’s fissure into the last UN Secretary-General’s 
office, as she vainly sought to put Zimbabwe on the UN agenda for wider 
sanctions. His appointment could never have been an olive branch, whose colour 
is green anyway! He is trying his luck at alienating the Chinese against us, 
and will not succeed. One hopes the British are not naïve enough to think all 
that matters and shapes things here is their wishes and interests, many of 
which have already come to grief. 

In lap of penal Australia, nothing at home 

So the British are angry. Angry that sooner than later, their anti-Zimbabwe 
campaign will go limbing, what with an agreement between Zanu (PF) and the MDC 
factions. Angry that their campaign will go limping, what with an election 
which Africa will acclaim as free and fair, in the process putting paid to 
their hysterical lies that Zimbabwe suffers a democratic deficit. They will 
have no choice but to lay bare their motive, namely to be rid of Mugabe. 

It is a horror scenario which they cannot avert, one they seek to subvert 
through such actions as Tsvangirai’s provocative trip to Australia, itself 
another indication — long and well read — that Brown will be the same, in fact 
can’t be any different. Penal Australia was doing the bidding of Albion. The 
door has to remain shut, even as guards change. Isn’t? Much worse, Britain 
cannot avert this eventuality because Tsvangirai and his toilet — sorry, 
kitchen — cabinet is doomed electorally. 

That faction will have to embrace the progress in Pretoria, in the process 
exposing a critical flank of the British. Or it will have to reject it, in the 
process sliding deeper into pariah politics when mediating South Africa, 
followed by the rest of SADC, will denounce it for negotiating in bad faith. 
This will cause a further break-up in that faction, with greater benefits 
accruing to Welshman. 

No nectar in present foulness?

Tsvangirai will be exiled politically, reduced to a mere nonentity in 
Parliament and beyond. The discerning side of both factions of the MDC have 
read the writing on the wall, and are looking far beyond March 2008. They know 
fully well that while the current situation is not exactly positive for Zanu 
(PF), it is incorrigibly much more adverse for both MDCs. 

For the MDCs, there in no nectar to be gained from present life’s foulness. 
Much rests on Zanu (PF) being able to secure its leader, while isolating a 
British-run faction which has been seeking to worm itself to influence. It is a 
faction which is greedy, anti-nation, a bit daft, without structures, but well 
heeled and quite white at its core. 

As the party moves relentlessly to pare down the power claims of this faction, 
real threat from the British will recede, clearing the way for many things. 
Much rests on whether or not Zanu (PF) is able to do something to bring 
meaningful relief to the voter. A big initiative is in the wings. What is more, 
much rests on whether Zanu (PF) is able to acknowledge the voter’s present 
challenges by way of current difficulties, and be able to situate these 
difficulties within an interpretive framework which is convincing and allows 
the voter to peer beyond and glimpse the peep of a daybreak on the horizon. 
Which is why December is so significant. Very significant. Icho!

l [EMAIL PROTECTED]



       
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