*Looking Under the Hood of an Obama Administration*
*By* *Joshua Frank*
*Joshua Frank's ZSpace Page<http://www.zcommunications.org/zspace/joshuafrank>
*

Tuesday's celebration hangovers have finally started to wear off, and the
pieces are beginning to fall into place. Change will be coming to Washington
in January, but it is difficult to decipher what form it will take. Early
clues, however, suggest that Barack Obama's administration will prove
unlikely to alter the fundamental political machinery that has led us into
war and economic turmoil. Below is a brief summary of Obama's potential
choices for a few key roles in his administration.

Chief of Staff

Obama's key White House position will go to Rep. Rahm Emanuel of Illinois.
While Emanuel knows his way around the corridors of Washington, qualifying
him in the traditional sense, this alone doesn't mean he's the guy you want
drawing up Obama's policy papers day after day.

For starters, Emanuel is a shameless neoliberal with close ties to the
Democratic Leadership Council (DLC), even co-authoring a strategy book with
DLC president Bruce Reed. Without Emanuel, Bill Clinton would not have been
able to thrust NAFTA down the throats of environmentalists and labor in the
mid-1990s. Over the course of his career, Emanuel's made it a point to cozy
up to big business, making him one of the most effective corporate
fundraisers in the Democratic Party. He's also a staunch advocate of
Israel's occupation of Palestinian territories.

Emanuel's shinning moment came in 2006 as he helped funnel money and poured
ground support into the offices of dozens of conservative Democrats,
expanding his party's control of the House of Representatives. Emanuel, who
supports the War on Terror, and expanding our presence in Afghanistan,
worked hard to ensure that a Democratic House majority would not alter the
course of US military objectives in the Middle East.

In short, Rahm Emanuel is not only a poor choice for Obama's Chief of Staff;
he's one of the least progressive picks he could have made. While he may
have decent views on abortion, tax policy, and social security, Emanuel's
broader vision is more of the same: war and corporate dominance.

Treasury Secretary

For arguably the most important position Obama will be appointing, the
President-Elect may pick well-regarded economist Paul Volcker, former
chairman of the Federal Reserve under Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan. Volker
is one of Obama's closest economic advisors and is thought to be the
top-choice for the position of Treasury Secretary.

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, Volker, in an attempt to cut
inflation, dramatically raised interest rates, which helped the elite
maintain value in their assets but strangled the working class as credit
dried up.

In his book, A Brief History of Neoliberalism, David Harvey writes that
Volker personified one of the key facets of the neoliberal era.

"[Volker] engineered a draconian shift in U.S. monetary policy. The
long-standing commitment in the U.S. liberal democratic state to the
principles of the New Deal, which meant broadly Keynesian fiscal and
monetary policies with full employment as a key objective, was abandoned in
favour of a policy designed to quell inflation no matter what the
consequences might be for employment. The real rate of interest, which had
often been negative during the double-digit inflationary surge of the 1970s,
was rendered positive by fiat of the Federal Reserve. The nominal rate of
interest was raised overnight ... Thus began 'a long deep recession that
would empty factories and break unions in the U.S. and drive detour
countries to the brink of insolvency, beginning a long-era of structural
insolvency'. The Volker shock, as it has since come to be known, has to be
interpreted as a necessary but not sufficient condition of neoliberalism."

In supporting Henry Paulson's bailout package, Volker would not re-regulate
the banks nor provide more power to shareholders, he's simply carry on one
facet of neoliberalism:� tightening federal budgets which inevitably will
put great budgetary pressure on federal agencies.

Another potential pick for the post is Robert Rubin, who served under
Clinton in the same position and is currently Director and Senior Counselor
of Citigroup. Rubin played a key role in abetting another neoliberal
objective: deregulation. Where Volker was hung up on economic austerity,
Rubin pushed for more deregulatory policies that ended up shifting jobs, and
entire industries, overseas.

Rubin even pushed for Clinton's dismantling of Glass-Steagall, testifying
that deregulating the banking industry would be good for capital gains, as
well as Main Street. "[The] banking industry is fundamentally different from
what it was two decades ago, let alone in 1933," Rubin testified before the
House Committee on Banking and Financial Services in May of 1995.

"[Glass-Steagall could] conceivably impede safety and soundness by limiting
revenue diversification," Rubin argued.

While the industry saw much deregulation over the years preceding these
events, the Gramm-Leach-Biley Act of 1999, which eliminated Glass-Steagall,
extended and ratified changes that had been enacted with previous
legislation. Ultimately, the repeal of the New Deal era protection allowed
commercial lenders like Rubin's Citigroup to underwrite and trade
instruments like mortgage backed securities along with collateralized debt
and established structured investment vehicles (SIVs), which purchased these
securities. In short, as the lines were blurred among investment banks,
commercial banks and insurance companies, when one industry fell, others
could too.

Robert Rubin is in part responsible for supporting the policies that pushed
us to the brink of a great recession. When the subprime mortgage crisis hit,
instability and collapse spread across numerous industries.

Another name that is in the hunt for the top spot is Lawrence Summers, who
served during the last 18 months of the Clinton administration. Summers is
greatly responsible for expanding Rubinomics and is credited by many for the
collapse in the derivatives market, which later imploded the housing market.


Defense Secretary

While Obama's choice for this important role is speculative, quite a few
fingers are pointing to Richard Holbrooke.

After Gerald Ford's loss and Jimmy Carter's ascendance into the White House
in 1976, Indonesia, which invaded East Timor and slaughtered 200,000
indigenous Timorese years earlier, requested additional arms to continue its
brutal occupation, even though there was a supposed ban on arms trades to
Suharto's government. It was Carter's appointee to the Department of State's
Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Richard Holbrooke, who authorized
additional arms shipments to Indonesia during this supposed blockade. Many
scholars have noted that this was the period when the Indonesian suppression
of the Timorese reached genocidal levels.

During his testimony before Congress in February 1978, Benedict Anderson of
Cornell University cited a report that proved there never was a United
States arms ban, and that during the period of the alleged ban; the US
initiated new offers of military weaponry to the Indonesians at Holbrooke's
request.

Over the years Holbrooke, who is philosophically aligned with Paul Wolfowitz
and other neoconservatives, has worked vigorously to keep his bloody
campaign silent. Holbrooke described the motivations behind his support of
Indonesia's genocidal actions:

"The situation in East Timor is one of the number of very important concerns
of the United States in Indonesia. Indonesia, with a population of 150
million people, is the fifth largest nation in the world, is a moderate
member of the Non-Aligned Movement, is an important oil producer -- which
plays a moderate role within OPEC -- and occupies a strategic position
astride the sea lanes between the Pacific and Indian Oceans ... We highly
value our cooperative relationship with Indonesia."

Other foreign policy advisors may also include the likes of Madeline
Albright, the great supporter of Iraq sanctions, which killed hundreds of
thousands of innocent people. Madeline Albright, when asked by Leslie Stahl
of 60 Minutes about the deaths caused by U.N. sanctions, infamously condoned
the deaths. "I think this is a very hard choice," she said. "But the
price--we think the price is worth it."

Samantha Power, that great cheerleader for humanitarian intervention, also
has Obama's ear and may even entice him to put U.S. forces in Darfur.

"With very few exceptions, the Save Darfur campaign has drawn a single
lesson from Rwanda: the problem was the US failure to intervene to stop the
genocide. Rwanda is the guilt that America must expiate, and to do so it
must be ready to intervene, for good and against evil, even globally. That
lesson is inscribed at the heart of Samantha of Power's book, A Problem from
Hell: America and the Age of Genocide. But it is the wrong lesson," writes
author Mahmood Mamdani in the London Review of Books.

As Mamdani continues: "What the humanitarian intervention lobby fails to see
is that the US did intervene in Rwanda, through a proxy ... Instead of using
its resources and influence to bring about a political solution to the civil
war, and then strengthen it, the US signalled to one of the parties that it
could pursue victory with impunity. This unilateralism was part of what led
to the disaster, and that is the real lesson of Rwanda ... Applied to Darfur
and Sudan, it is sobering. It means recognising that Darfur is not yet
another Rwanda. Nurturing hopes of an external military intervention among
those in the insurgency who aspire to victory and reinforcing the fears of
those in the counter-insurgency who see it as a prelude to defeat are
precisely the ways to ensure that it becomes a Rwanda."

Other names in the running include John Kerry, who as many know, ran an
antiwar campaign for president in 2004. A full supporter of the War on
Terror, with a hard-line on Iran, will certainly not alter the U.S.
relationship in the Middle East.

Regarding the Department of Defense, it looks as if Robert Gates will still
control the top spot, with no alterations made to the DoD or its inflated
budget.

The Next Step

While the election of Barack Obama is a blow to George W. Bush-Republicanism
and a gain for racial equality in this country, it is in many ways only a
symbolic victory. The future of the U.S.'s foreign and economic agenda will
continue to be saturated with ideologies and individuals that are directly
responsible for our current predicament, both in the Middle East and
domestically.

Celebrating the end of the ugly Bush era is one thing. Celebrating the
continuation of their policies with a different administration in the White
House is quite another. With these prospective appointments, Obama seems to
be moving backwards to Clintontime. This may be sufficient change for some,
but it far from a progressive push toward social, economic, and
environmental justice.

For significant change to happen, the kind that is needed in order to mend
the wounds of the Bush years, we have to put down our Obama signs and force
Congress and the new administration to end the wars in the Middle East, and
push for regulating the financial industry while providing true universal
health-care and economic safety-nets for all Americans.

Given the make up of his potential advisors, we're in for a long uphill
battle. So let's drop our illusions and start organizing, beginning with a
discussion of what "organizing" even means in today's political climate.


Joshua Frank is co-editor of Dissident Voice and author of Left Out! How
Liberals Helped Reelect George W. Bush (Common Courage Press, 2005), and
along with Jeffrey St. Clair, the editor of the brand new book Red State
Rebels: Tales of Grassroots Resistance in the Heartland, published by AK
Press in July 2008. He can be reached at: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

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