The paradox of Meles Zenawi 

 <http://www.opendemocracy.net/author/michael-street> Michael Street , 22
August 2012

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He embodied the eternal paradox that is Ethiopia: a land of ‘great
abundance’ where so much poverty exists; a Garden of Eden whose potential
has never been fulfilled. 

The death of Ethiopia’s prime minister, Meles Zenawi, on 20 August raises
immediate and grave concerns for security in an extremely complex, fragile
and unpredictable part of the world. Ethiopia sits at the end of an arc of
instability stretching from Kashmir to the Horn of Africa and is one of the
world’s most dangerous flashpoints. Ethiopia’s 85 million people, with
millions more in surrounding countries, are at the frontline of rapid
climate change -last year’s drought in the region affected 13 million
people. And although Ethiopia is one of the fastest growing economies in the
world on the verge of a historic renaissance, it is also extremely
vulnerable to global economic volatility. As “the voice of Africa” and a key
player in “the war on terror”,Mr Meles’ death after 21 years in power comes
at a critical time for Ethiopia, for Africa and the world at large.

While politics and security issues surrounding Mr Meles’ death
understandably dominate the assessment of Ethiopia’s situation, it is also
important to consider three other vital areas where the late prime minister
had considerable national, regional and international influence: the
economy, development and climate change. Whoever leads Ethiopia, the
management of these three interconnected issues will determine levels of
peace and stability achieved in the region. On these, Mr Meles embodied the
eternal paradox that is Ethiopia: a land of ‘great abundance’ where so much
poverty exists; a Garden of Eden whose potential has never been fulfilled. 

Since the June 1992 Lem (or Green) Meeting in Addis Ababa, held in
conjunction with the UN’s first ‘Earth Summit’ in Brazil and only a year
after he assumed responsibility for one of the most challenging countries on
earth, Mr Meles championed sustainable development in Africa, fought for
Africa on climate change and was a leader in Africa’s green thinking. A
major influence on US president Bill Clinton’s ‘New Africa’, for the past 20
years Ethiopia has played a pioneering role in environmental research,
management and development combined with historic experiments in ethnic
federalism and democracy. In 2011 Ethiopia was the first African country to
launch a Climate Resilient Green Economy Strategy.

Over the past two decades Mr Meles’s coalition, the Ethiopian Peoples’
Revolutionary Democratic Party has laid solid enough green foundations,
based on commercial smallholder farming and ambitious environmental
rehabilitation schemes, for Ethiopia to become a global leader in the green
economy, the main theme of the UN’s Rio+20 ‘Earth Summit’ in June. Following
this path, any new or reformed government in Addis Ababa stands a good
chance of managing a 21st century Green Ethiopian Renaissance that would be
good for Africa and the world.

The paradox that threatens Ethiopia's current advantage resurfaced around
2003 when Mr Meles took a turn back to the 20th century by embracing the
'China model' for development. There are many explanations for this return
to the state-led model: the fallout from the 1998-2000 Ethio-Eritrea war;
the slow progress of ‘bottom-up’green development; the 2002 drought and
contraction in GDP; China’s big push into Africa, which coincided with the
beginning of the biggest global economic boom in history. And like other
African leaders, Mr Meles often said, “Rapid and sustained growth in Africa
is a matter of life and death...We have to run just to stand still.”
Ethiopia, like China, also has a long history of central rule to overcome;
change does not come easy in such ancient lands.

The 1980s China model has worked so far. The last 8 years have seen
unprecedented advances in Ethiopia on many levels including double-digit
annual economic growth. Ethiopia has become ‘the China of Africa’ with
tremendous growth potential, poised to regain its place in the world.

But this has not been achieved without the hidden costs or externalities
associated with such an outdated development model, whose ‘top-down’
strategies Mr Meles said in 1992 were the cause of so much of Ethiopia’s
suffering, hardship and senseless natural resource depletion. If the China
model in China, as China’s leaders often remind us, is “unbalanced,
uncoordinated and unsustainable” these hidden costs in Ethiopia could be
greatly magnified. Transforming the ecological, social and economic
landscapes of the fragile Horn of Africa on the scales envisaged by
Ethiopia’s 2011-2015 Growth and Transformation Plan -through a series of
mega dams, farms and sugar enterprises - could result in unintended
consequences on mega scales to match. 

In the 1770s Gibbon famously wrote: “Encompassed on all sides by enemies of
their religion Ethiopians slept for near a thousand years, forgetful of the
world by whom they were forgotten.” Those enemies are still there, there are
more of them, they are well armed and their resources are disappearing.
Depending on Ethiopia’s development path, brown or green, there is a great
danger that they might be joined by enemies of Ethiopia’s growth and
transformation strategies.

Whatever government emerges from the uncertainty in Ethiopia today, the
green route is the quickest, surest way to a balanced situation. Ethiopia’s
green foundations, combined with its huge undeveloped natural resources and
youthful population, puts this ancient land in an historic position to bring
about a Green Renaissance focused on the most fundamental issues of all for
peace and security - food production and environmental management. For this
challenge Ethiopians are well qualified.

In the 1960s agronomists saw Ethiopia as a paradise that could feed the
whole of Africa. They thought the Awash, one of the smallest of the
country’s 12 major river basins, could feed the whole of Ethiopia. The
result, as in the rest of Africa, was a disaster. By 1990 most of Ethiopia’s
large-scale development concentrated in the Awash Valley was failing or had
failed. The planning, technologies and economics of the post-colonial brown
development model were “unbalanced, uncoordinated and unsustainable” in the
very short term.

Twenty years later the tools, technologies, knowledge, skills and
information networks have been sufficiently developed for Ethiopia to forge
new development models and build a green economy from which we can all
learn. In the wake of the successful World Economic Forum on Africa 2012 in
Addis Ababa in May and the historic Rio+20 Summit in June, Ethiopia has
never been in such an influential and advantageous position. It is hoped
that under new leadership, with a careful balance of top-down and bottom-up
management learned over the past two decades, Ethiopia’s legendary ‘great
abundance’ can be fulfilled. 

In March 2009, when the third wave of the financial and economic crisis was
hitting Africa and the threat of failed states loomed large, Mr Meles said
that Africans would have to rethink all their development strategies and
“learn to do well in a less permissive age.” The less permissive age looks
likely to last for a while. Whoever leads Ethiopia in the 21st century, this
current challenge is a great opportunity to address the eternal Ethiopian
paradox and redirect Mr Meles’s influence, energy and vision back to the
greener, more democratic path on which he and Ethiopia embarked in 1992. If
this is to be  <http://allafrica.com/stories/201205291156.html> “Ethiopia’s
moment”, the moment for a “rethink” of Ethiopia is now.

 

 

           Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni and Dr. Kiiza Besigye Uganda is in anarchy"
           Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni na Dk. Kiiza Besigye Uganda ni katika machafuko"

 

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