Egypt: When people turn against selves 

                        

 


Friday, 05 July 2013 00:00 


 

John Fiske

BOTH sides may wave the Egyptian flag, which is red, white and black. The
colour of khaki is no substitute. The army’s in charge. Call it a coup, if
you like. But the Egyptian military — or the infamous “Supreme Council of 

the Armed Forces” as we must again call it — is now running Egypt. By threat
at first — then with armour on the streets of Cairo. Roads blocked.

Barbed wire. Troops round the radio station. Mohamed Morsi — at the time
still the President — may have called it a ‘coup’ and claimed the old moral
high ground (‘legitimacy’, democracy’, ) but long before we saw the soldiers
in the city, he was pleading with the generals ‘to return to barracks.

Ridiculous; the generals didn’t have to leave their barracks to put the fear
of God (metaphorical or real) into his collapsing administration.
Morsi talked of shedding his blood. So did the army. This was grim stuff.
Miserable was it to behold a free people applaud a military intervention,
though Morsi’s opponents would claim their freedoms have been betrayed.

But they are now encouraging soldiers to take the place of politicians. Both
sides may wave the Egyptian flag, which is red, white and black. The colour
of khaki is no substitute.
Nor will the Muslim Brotherhood disappear, whatever Morsi’s fate.

Risible he may have been in power, lamentable his speeches, but the best
organised political party in Egypt knows how to survive in adversity. The
Brotherhood is the most misunderstood — or perhaps the most deliberately
misunderstood — institution in modern Egyptian history.

Far from being an Islamist party, its roots were always right-wing rather
than religious, its early membership under Hassan al-Banna prepared to
tolerate King Farouk and his Egyptian landlords providing they lived behind
an Islamic façade.

Even when the 2011 revolution was at its height and millions of anti-Mubarak
demonstrators had pushed into Tahrir Square, the Brotherhood was busy trying
to negotiate with Mubarak in the hope they could find some scraps on the
table for themselves. The Brotherhood’s leadership never stood alongside the
people during Egypt’s uprising.

This role was fulfilled by Egypt’s strongest secular base — the trade union
movement, especially the cotton workers of Mahalla north of Cairo.
Even Nasser’s war with the Brotherhood was less about religion than it was
about security; the leadership of the original Free Officers Movement found
that the Brotherhood was the only party able to infiltrate the army — a
lesson which today’s Egyptian generals have taken to heart.

If the Muslim Brotherhood is banned again — as it was under Nasser and under
Sadat and under Mubarak — it will not lose its support within the armed
forces. Sadat was assassinated by a non-Brotherhood Islamist called Khaled
el-Islambouli — but he also happened to be a lieutenant in the Egyptian
army.

Sayyed Qutub, the Brotherhood’s leader, attacked Nasser for leading his
people back into a pre-Islamic age of ignorance (‘jahiliya) but the party
was more exercised by Egypt’s growing relationship with the atheistical
Soviet Union.

Qutub was hanged. But persecuted, officially banned, the party learned —
like all underground organisations with an ideology — how to organise,
politically, socially, even militarily.

The army, as they say, belongs to the people. Mohamed el-Baradei, the former
UN nuclear inspector and Nobel laureate and now opposition leader, told me
during the 2011 rising that “ultimately, the Egyptian army will be with the
people . . . And at the end of the day, after anyone takes off his uniform,
he is part of the people with the same problems, the same repression, the
same inability to have a decent life. So I don’t think they are going to
shoot their people.”

But that was then, and this is now. Morsi may have adopted the
pseudo-trappings of a dictator — he certainly talked like Mubarak on
Tuesday, complete with threats against the press — but he was legally
elected, as he kept telling us, and legitimacy is what the army likes to
claim it is defending. In 2011, the ‘people’ were against Mubarak.

Now, the ‘people’ are against each other. Can the Egyptian Army, the heroes
of the 1973 crossing of the Suez Canal, stand between the two when they
themselves now come — let us face it — from the ‘people’ on both sides? —
The Independent.

 

           Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni and Dr. Kiiza Besigye Uganda is in anarchy"
           Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni na Dk. Kiiza Besigye Uganda ni katika machafuko"

 

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