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The Secret War in Libya Posted: 2014-02-01
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The battles currently raging in the South of Libya are no mere tribal
clashes. Instead, they represent a possible burgeoning alliance between
black Libyan ethnic groups and pro-Gaddafi forces intent upon liberating
their country of a neocolonial NATO-installed government.


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On Saturday January 18th, a group of heavily armed fighters stormed an air
force base outside the city of Sabha in southern Libya, expelling forces
loyal to the "government" of Prime Minister Ali Zeidan, and occupying the
base.  At the same time, reports from inside the country began to trickle
in that the green flag of the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya was flying over a number of cities throughout the country.
Despite the dearth of verifiable information - the government in Tripoli
has provided only vague details and corroboration - one thing is certain:
the war for Libya continues.

*On the Ground*

Libya's Prime Minister Ali Zeidan called an emergency session of the
General National Congress to declare a state of alert for the country after
news of the storming of the air base broke.  The Prime Minister announced
that he had ordered troops south to quell the rebellion, telling
reporters<http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2014/01/libya-declares-state-emergency-2014118194534208289.html>that,
"This confrontation is continuing but in a few hours it will be
solved."  A spokesman for the Defense Ministry later claimed that the
central government had reclaimed control of the air base, stating that "*A
force was readied, then aircraft moved and took off and dealt with the
targets...The situation in the south opened a chance for some criminals...loyal
to the Gaddafi regime to exploit this and to attack the Tamahind air force
base...We will protect the revolution and the Libyan people."*

In addition to the assault on the airbase, there have been other attacks on
individual members of the government in Tripoli.  The highest profile
incident was the recent
assassination<http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25701470>of the
Deputy Industry Minister Hassan al-Droui in the city of Sirte.
Although it is still unclear whether he was killed by Islamist forces or
Green resistance fighters, the unmistakable fact is that the central
government is under assault and is unable to exercise true authority or
provide security in the country.  Many have begun speculating that his
killing, rather than being an isolated, targeted assassination, is part of
a growing trend of resistance in which pro-Gaddafi Green fighters figure
prominently.

The rise of the Green resistance forces in Sabha and elsewhere is merely
one part of larger and more complex political and military calculus in the
South where a number of tribes and various ethnic groups have risen against
what they correctly perceive to be their political, economic, and social
marginalization.  Groups such as the Tawergha and Tobou ethnic minorities,
both of which are black African groups, have endured vicious attacks at the
hands of Arab militias with no support from the central government.  Not
only have these and other groups been the victims of ethnic
cleansing<http://www.globalresearch.ca/nato-enabling-human-rights-abuses-libyan-rebel-ethnic-cleansing-and-lynching-of-black-people/25622>,
but they have been systematically shut out of participation in Libyan
political and economic life.

The tensions came to a head earlier this month when a rebel chief from the
Arab Awled Sleiman tribe was killed.  Rather than an official investigation
or legal process, the Awled tribesmen attacked their black Toubou
neighbors, accusing them of involvement in the murder.  The resulting
clashes have since killed dozens, once again demonstrating that the
dominant Arab groups still view their dark skinned neighbors as something
other than countrymen.  Undoubtedly, this has led to a reorganization of
the alliances in the region, with the Toubou, Tuareg and other black
minority groups that inhabit southern Libya, northern Chad and Niger moving
closer to the pro-Gaddafi forces.  Whether or not these alliances are
formal or not still remains unclear, however it is apparent that many
groups in Libya have come to the realization that the government installed
by NATO has not lived up to its promises, and that something must be done.

*The Politics of Race in Libya*

Despite the high-minded rhetoric from Western interventionists regarding
"democracy" and "freedom" in Libya, the reality is far from it, especially
for dark skinned Libyans who have seen their socioeconomic and political
status diminished with the end of the Jamahiriya government of Muammar
Gaddafi.  While these peoples enjoyed a large measure of political equality
and protection under the law in Gaddafi's Libya, the post-Gaddafi era has
seen their rights all but stripped from them.  Rather than being integrated
into a new democratic state, the black Libyan groups have been
systematically excluded.

In fact, even Human Rights
Watch<http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/01/21/libya-end-impunity-reform-repressive-laws>-
an organization which in no small measure helped to justify the NATO
war
by falsely claiming that Gaddafi forces used rape as a weapon and were
preparing "imminent genocide" - has reported that, "*A crime against
humanity of mass forced displacement continues unabated, as militias mainly
from Misrata prevented 40,000 people from the town of Tawergha from
returning to their homes from where they had been expelled in 2011."  *This
fact, coupled with the horrific stories and images of lynchings, rapes, and
other crimes against humanity, paints a very bleak picture of life in Libya
for these groups.

In its 2011 report, Amnesty
International<http://www.amnesty.org/sites/impact.amnesty.org/files/PUBLIC/mde190362011en.pdf>documented
a number of flagrant war crimes carried out by the so called
"freedom fighters" of Libya who, despite being hailed in the Western media
as "liberators", used the opportunity of the war to carry out mass
executions of black Libyans as well as rival clans and ethnic groups.  This
is of course in stark contrast to the treatment of black Libyans under the
Jamahiriya government of Gaddafi which was praised up and down by the Human
Rights Council of the United Nations in their 2011
report<http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/16session/A-HRC-16-15.pdf>which
noted that Gaddafi had gone to great lengths to ensure economic and
social development, as well as specifically providing economic
opportunities and political protections to black Libyans and migrant
workers from neighboring African countries.  With this in mind, is it any
wonder that Al Jazeera quoted a pro-Gaddafi Tuareg fighter in
September 
2011<http://www.opendemocracy.net/hugh-brody/gaddafi-and-tuareg-lords-of-desert>as
saying, "fighting for Gaddafi is like a son fighting for his
father...[We
will be] ready to fight for him until the last drop of blood."

As the Toubou and other black ethnic groups clash with Arab militias, their
struggle should be understood in the context of a continued struggle for
peace and equality.  Moreover, the fact that they must engage in this form
of armed struggle again illustrates the point that many international
observers made from the very beginning of the war: NATO's aggression was
never about protecting civilians or human rights, but rather regime change
for economic and geopolitical interests.  That the majority of the
population, including black ethnic minorities, is worse off today than they
ever were under Gaddafi is a fact that is actively suppressed.



*Black, Green, and the Struggle for Libya*

It would be presumptuous to assume that the military victories made by the
pro-Gaddafi Green resistance in recent days will be long-lasting, or that
they represent an irreversible shift in the political and military
landscape of the country.  Though decidedly unstable, the neocolonial
puppet government in Tripoli is supported economically and militarily by
some of the most powerful interests in the world, making it difficult to
simply overthrow it with minor victories.  However, these developments do
signal an interesting shift in the calculus on the ground.  Undoubtedly
there is a confluence between the black ethnic minorities and the Green
fighters as both recognize their enemy as being the tribal militias who
participated in the overthrow of Gaddafi as well as the central government
in Tripoli.  Whether a formal alliance emerges from this remains to be seen.

Were such an alliance to develop however, it would be a watershed moment in
the continued war for Libya.  As Green resistance fighters have shown in
Sabha, they are able to organize themselves in the south of the country
where they enjoy a large degree of popular support.  One could imagine an
alliance in the south that would be able to hold territory and possibly
consolidate power throughout the southern part of Libya, creating a de
facto independent state.  Naturally, the cry from NATO and its apologists
would be that this is anti-democratic and counter-revolution.   This would
be understandable as their goal of a unified Libya subservient to
international finance capital and oil interests would become unattainable.

One should be careful not to make too many assumptions about the situation
in Libya today, as reliable details are hard to come by.  More to the
point, Western media has attempted to completely suppress the fact that the
Green resistance even exists, let alone is active and winning victories.
All this simply further illustrates that the war for Libya rages on,
whether the world wants to admit it or not.

*Eric Draitser is the founder of StopImperialism.com.  He is an independent
geopolitical analyst based in New York City.  You can reach him at:*
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