How the godfather rules from Canberra to Kiev

March 19, 2014  <http://www.herald.co.zw/author/silence/> silence muchemwa
<http://www.herald.co.zw/category/articles/opinion-a-analysis/> Opinion &
Analysis

John Pilger
WASHINGTON’S role in the fascist putsch against an elected government in
Ukraine will surprise only those who watch the news and ignore the
historical record. Since 1945, dozens of governments, many of them
democracies, have met a similar fate, usually with bloodshed. Nicaragua is
one of the poorest countries on earth with fewer people than Wales, yet
under the reformist Sandinistas in the 1980s it was regarded in Washington
as a “strategic threat”. The logic was simple; if the weakest slipped the
leash, setting an example, who else would try their luck?
The great game of dominance offers no immunity for even the most loyal US
“ally”. This is demonstrated by perhaps the least known of Washington’s
coups — in Australia. The story of this forgotten coup is a salutary lesson
for those governments that believe a “Ukraine” or a “Chile” could never
happen to them.

Australia’s deference to the United States makes Britain, by comparison,
seem a renegade. During the American invasion of Vietnam — which Australia
had pleaded to join — an official in Canberra voiced a rare complaint to
Washington that the British knew more about US objectives in that war than
its antipodean comrade-in-arms. The response was swift: “We have to keep the
Brits informed to keep them happy. You are with us come what may.”

This dictum was rudely set aside in 1972 with the election of the reformist
Labour government of Gough Whitlam. Although not regarded as of the left,
Whitlam — now in his 98th year — was a maverick social democrat of
principle, pride, propriety and extraordinary political imagination. He
believed that a foreign power should not control his country’s resources and
dictate its economic and foreign policies. He proposed to “buy back the
farm” and speak as a voice independent of London and Washington.

On the day after his election, Whitlam ordered that his staff should not be
“vetted or harassed” by the Australian security organisation, ASIO — then,
as now, beholden to Anglo-American intelligence. When his ministers publicly
condemned the Nixon/Kissinger administration as “corrupt and barbaric”,
Frank Snepp, a CIA officer stationed in Saigon at the time, said later: “We
were told the Australians might as well be regarded as North Vietnamese
collaborators.”

Whitlam demanded to know if and why the CIA was running a spy base at Pine
Gap near Alice Springs, ostensibly a joint Australian/US “facility”. Pine
Gap is a giant vacuum cleaner which, as the whistle-blower Edward Snowden
recently revealed, allows the US to spy on everyone. In the 1970s, most
Australians had no idea that this secretive foreign enclave placed their
country on the front line of a potential nuclear war with the Soviet Union.

Whitlam clearly knew the personal risk he was taking — as the minutes of a
meeting with the US ambassador demonstrate. “Try to screw us or bounce us,”
he warned, “[and Pine Gap] will become a matter of contention”. Victor
Marchetti, the CIA officer who had helped set up Pine Gap, later told me,
“This threat to close Pine Gap caused apoplexy in the White House.
Consequences were inevitable . . . a kind of Chile was set in motion.”

The CIA had just helped General Pinochet to crush the democratic government
of another reformer, Salvador Allende, in Chile. In 1974, the White House
sent the Marshall Green to Canberra as ambassador. Green was an imperious,
very senior and sinister figure in the State Department who worked in the
shadows of America’s “deep state”. Known as the “coup-master”, he had played
a central role in the 1965 coup against President Sukarno in Indonesia –
which cost up to a million lives. One of his first speeches in Australia was
to the Australian Institute of Directors — described by an alarmed member of
the audience as “an incitement to the country’s business leaders to rise
against the government”.

Pine Gap’s top-secret messages were de-coded in California by a CIA
contractor, TRW. One of the de-coders was a young Christopher Boyce, an
idealist who, troubled by the “deception and betrayal of an ally”, became a
whistleblower. Boyce revealed that the CIA had infiltrated the Australian
political and trade union elite and referred to the Governor-General of
Australia, Sir John Kerr, as “our man Kerr”.

In his black top hat and medal-laden mourning suit, Kerr was the embodiment
of imperium. He was the Queen of England’s Australian viceroy in a country
that still recognised her as head of state. His duties were ceremonial; yet
Whitlam — who appointed him — was unaware of or chose to ignore Kerr’s
long-standing ties to Anglo-American intelligence.

The Governor-General was an enthusiastic member of the Australian
Association for Cultural Freedom, described by Jonathan Kwitny of the Wall
Street Journal in his book, ‘The Crimes of Patriots’, as, “an elite,
invitation-only group . . . exposed in Congress as being founded, funded and
generally run by the CIA”. The CIA “paid for Kerr’s travel, built his
prestige . . . Kerr continued to go to the CIA for money”. —
http://johnpilger.com

 

            Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni and Dr. Kiiza Besigye Uganda is in anarchy"
           Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni na Dk. Kiiza Besigye Uganda ni katika machafuko"

 

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