How the U.S. Concocted a Terror Threat to Justify Syria Strikes, and the
Corporate Media Went Along

According to writer Murtaza Hussain, anonymous officials say there was not
any plan in the works to attack the United States. 

*         

September 29, 2014  |   

As the U.S. expands military operations in Syria, we look at the Khorasan
group, the shadowy militant organization the Obama administration has
invoked to help justify the strikes. One month ago, no one had heard of
Khorasan, but now U.S. officials say it poses an imminent threat to the
United States. As the strikes on Syria began, U.S. officials said Khorasan
was "nearing the execution phase" of an attack on the United States or
Europe, most likely an attempt to blow up a commercial plane in flight. We
are joined by Murtaza Hussain of The Intercept, whose new article with Glenn
Greenwald is "The Khorasan Group: Anatomy of a Fake Terror Threat to Justify
Bombing Syria."

Below is an interview with Hussain, followed by a transcript:

AMY GOODMAN: The United States is continuing to expand its military
operations in Iraq and Syria. Late last week, Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel
deployed a division headquarters unit to Iraq for the first time since the
U.S. withdrawal in 2011. The 200 soldiers from the Army’s 1st Infantry
Division headquarters will joins 1,200 U.S. troops already inside Iraq.
Overnight, U.S.-led warplanes hit grain silos and other targets in northern
and eastern Syria. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, the
attacks killed a number of civilians working at the silos.

While the United States has been bombing areas in Syria controlled by the
Islamic State, it has also struck targets connected to a separate militant
group that U.S. officials are calling the Khorasan group. If you never heard
of the group before this month, you’re not alone. The Associated Press first
reported on this new entity on September 13th. In the
<http://bigstory.ap.org/article/ap-enterprise-al-qaidas-syrian-cell-alarms-u
s> article, unnamed U.S. officials warned of a shadowy, terrorist group that
posed a more imminent threat than the Islamic State. The AP described the
group as, quote, "a cadre of veteran al-Qaida fighters from Afghanistan and
Pakistan who traveled to Syria to link up with the al-Qaida affiliate there,
the Nusra Front." It went on to say the group poses a, quote, "direct and
imminent threat to the United States, working with Yemeni bomb-makers to
target U.S. aviation." Soon, major TV networks began echoing these claims
about the Khorasan group.

FOX NEWS REPORTER: They say that they were facing a, quote, 'imminent
threat' from the Khorasan group here in the United States.

JEFF GLOR: We are learning about a new and growing terror threat coming out
of Syria. It’s an al-Qaeda cell you probably never heard of. Nearly
everything about them is classified.

BARBARA STARR: The reason they struck Khorasan right now is they had
intelligence that the group of al-Qaeda veterans was in the stages of
planning an attack against the U.S. homeland.

AMY GOODMAN: To talk more about the Khorasan group, we’re going to go to
Toronto, Canada, where we’ll be joined by Murtaza Hussain, a reporter with
The Intercept. He wrote a
<https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2014/09/28/u-s-officials-invented-terror
-group-justify-bombing-syria/> piece with Glenn Greenwald called "The
Khorasan Group: Anatomy of a Fake Terror Threat to Justify Bombing Syria."
We’ll go to Murtaza Hussain after this break.

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: We turn right now to Murtaza Hussain, a reporter at The
Intercept who, together with Glenn Greenwald, wrote the
<https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2014/09/28/u-s-officials-invented-terror
-group-justify-bombing-syria/> piece "The Khorasan Group: Anatomy of a Fake
Terror Threat to Justify Bombing Syria."

Murtaza, welcome to Democracy Now! Murtaza is joining us from Toronto. Can
you talk about what you’ve learned about the so-called Khorasan group?

MURTAZA HUSSAIN: So, the Khorasan group is a group which first came up in
the media around September 13th, roughly a week or so before the U.S.
bombing campaign of Syria began. Heretofore, no one had heard of this group.
It was not known in intelligence circles or among people who follow Syria.
And suddenly we saw in the media that this was being described as the major
terrorist threat emanating from that country and a direct threat to the U.S.
homeland, unlike ISIS. So, this ended up being one of the main
justifications for the war on Syria or the military airstrikes which are
conducted on Syria, and it became the major media narrative justifying that
action.

AMY GOODMAN: And talk about, well, for example, where the Khorasan group got
its name.

MURTAZA HUSSAIN: So, the Khorasan group, the name itself does not denote any
group within Syria that anyone has familiarity with or has heard of before.
It’s a name that was developed within the U.S. government to describe a
certain set of groups—individuals within the group Jabhat al-Nusra, which is
one of the opposition factions fighting the Syrian government. Jabhat
al-Nusra is also believed to be a franchise of al-Qaeda within Syria, but
unlike al-Qaeda proper, it’s focused exclusively on fighting the government
of Bashar Assad. So, in order to justify these strikes against this group,
the U.S. had to create a new name to designate these few individuals within
that group that they’re looking to target, so they developed this name, the
Khorasan group, which identified several fighters who, they say, planned to
wage attacks against the United States, as opposed to the government of
Bashar Assad, and they conducted the strikes under that justification.

Now, within Syria, people view this group as being indistinguishable from
the regular group of Jabhat al-Nusra, and it’s being viewed as an attack on
that group, which is why yesterday you saw a statement from that group’s
leader vowing revenge for the deaths of his commanders.

AMY GOODMAN: I want to turn to CNN’s Pentagon reporter Barbara Starr talking
about the Khorasan group.

BARBARA STARR: What we are hearing from a senior U.S. official is the reason
they struck Khorasan right now is they had intelligence that the group of
al-Qaeda veterans was in the stages of planning an attack against the U.S.
homeland and/or an attack against a target in Europe. And the information
indicated that Khorasan was well on its way, perhaps in the final stages, of
planning that attack.

AMY GOODMAN: That was Barbara Starr of CNN. Your response?

MURTAZA HUSSAIN: So, in the days leading up to the attack, several anonymous
sources suggested that an attack was imminent. They suggested that there
were a threat against airliners using toothpaste bombs or flammable
clothing. And they said that, like Barbara Starr mentioned, they were in the
final stages of planning this attack. After the strikes were carried out,
several U.S. officials started walking back that estimation quite far and
saying that the definition of "imminent" is unclear, and when we’re saying
is a strike about to happen, we’re not sure what that means exactly. So, in
retrospect, this definition of a strike being imminent and this
characterization of a threat coming from this group, which is very definable
and very clear, became very unclear after the strikes, and they suggested
through The New York Times the strikes were merely aspirational and there
was no actual plot today existing against the United States. So, the actual
justification for the strikes was completely negated after the strikes
ended, which was something quite troubling.

AMY GOODMAN: Explain what you mean, negated right after the strikes began,
right after the justification worked.

MURTAZA HUSSAIN: Right. So, after the strikes happened and there were
statements saying that people were killed and the group had been scattered,
James Comey and many others within the U.S. establishment started saying
that, "Well, you know, we said the strikes were imminent from this group,
but what does 'imminent' really mean? Could be six months, could be a
year.’" And other anonymous officials started saying there was not any
threat at all, there was not any plan in the works to attack the United
States. And then, further it came to light that the Khorasan group itself,
which we had been hearing about in the media was a new enemy and was a
definable threat against the United States, did not really exist per se; it
was simply a group of people whom the U.S. designated within a Syrian
opposition faction as being ready to be struck. So, the entire narrative
that had been developed, and within the media developed, was completely put
to a lie after the strikes. And it was interesting that Ken Dilanian
reported the story first in the Associated Press, saying that this was a new
threat and a new group, and he was one of the first people to break the
story afterwards saying that U.S. officials are now adding more "nuance," is
the word he used, to their previous warnings about the group. So, it was
kind of a really egregious case of media spin, whereby the media had taken
up this narrative of a threat from a new terrorist, and then, after the
strikes had been conducted which justified this group, they immediately took
the opposite tack, saying that in fact there was no threat that was imminent
and the group itself did not exist per se. So, it was really quite a failure
of the media, which we’ve seen several times in the past, as well.

AMY GOODMAN: You mentioned Ken Dilanian of AP. Now, Intercept just put out
another
<https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2014/09/04/former-l-times-reporter-clear
ed-stories-cia-publication/> story, "The CIA’s Mop-Up Man: L.A. Times
Reporter Cleared Stories with Agency Before Publication." Ken Silverstein
writes, "A prominent national security reporter for the Los Angeles Times
routinely submitted drafts and detailed summaries of his stories to CIA
press handlers prior to publication, according to documents obtained by The
Intercept." He goes on to say, "Email exchanges between CIA public affairs
officers and Ken Dilanian, now an Associated Press intelligence reporter who
previously covered the CIA for the Times, show that Dilanian enjoyed a
closely collaborative relationship with the agency, explicitly promising
positive news coverage and sometimes sending the press office entire story
drafts for review prior to publication. In at least one instance, the CIA’s
reaction appears to have led to significant changes in the story that was
eventually published in the [Los Angeles] Times. Your response to that
piece?

MURTAZA HUSSAIN: Right. So, essentially, the administration will seek out
reporters who are pliant and willing to work with them to leak stories like
this. So, in the sense of those CIA stories, this reporter had his stories
vetted. He promised favorable coverage in exchange for access. And again
here, the Khorasan group stories first came out with this reporter. And, you
know, the media’s role is to ask questions and to vet these claims quite
thoroughly, but instead the claims were put out through reporters who were
known to give favorable coverage and who were known to, you know, take the
administration’s line in exchange for access. And it seems like this
happened again, in the sense that here was a reporter who put out the story,
they did not vet who the Khorasan group is, what the veracity of these
claims are, but they put it out in the media, and it became a media story on
its own. So I think that you’re seeing the same narrative replay as happened
as we detailed in the previous story, as well.

AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to turn to another
<https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2014/09/26/isis-islamic/> piece that you
wrote, Murtaza, "Why the Islamic State is Not Really Islamic," which refers
to a letter that has been signed by many Muslims. Can you explain who has
written this letter and who it was sent to?

MURTAZA HUSSAIN: So, there was an  <http://lettertobaghdadi.com/index.php>
open letter published to the leader of the Islamic State, Abu Bakr
al-Baghdadi, from over 120 of the most prominent religious scholars among
Muslim scholars in the world. And there was the mufti of Egypt, Bosnia,
Nigeria and many other countries around the world, including the United
States. And they published an open letter condemning point by point the
practices of the so-called Islamic State. And it was purely from a
theological standpoint, and they had given a very rigorous critique of the
group and found it, by their standards, to be un-Islamic. Now, this goes
back to the question of what is or is not Islamic. Islam is not a monolith;
it’s subject to interpretations of the people who take part in it. And, you
know, this group found them to be decidedly un-Islamic. I think most Muslims
around the world would find them to be un-Islamic, despite their pretensions
to the contrary.

So, the point I was making in the article is that when you identify them as
being Islamic and you say that they are the definition of Islam, you’re
playing to their narrative. That’s the legitimacy they want and which today
they don’t have, and they’re rejected broadly by Muslims around the world.
So it’s important to say that while, you know, they may partake in Islamic
dialogue and they may use the symbols of Islam, we cannot let any one group
of extremists anywhere define a faith or a civilization which is, you know,
identified with by over a billion people around the world.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’ll link to your pieces at democracynow.org. I want to
thank you for being with us. We’ve been talking to Murtaza Hussain, who is a
reporter with The Intercept. His latest two pieces, "The Khorasan Group:
Anatomy of a Fake Terror Threat to Justify Bombing Syria" and "Why the
Islamic State is Not Really Islamic." This is Democracy Now!,
democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report.

Amy Goodman is the host of  <http://democracynow.org> Democracy Now!, a
daily international TV/radio news hour airing on more than 1,000 stations in
North America. She is the co-author of “The Silenced Majority,” a New York
Times best-seller.

 

 

EM

On the 49th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
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