John Kwitonda

 

But such questions can never get answered for you are still running in the very 
same circle sir. People will never investigate themselves. Again I am going 
back to Iddi Amin’s government, it was removed out of power by those out of 
Tanzania very different people that had nothing to do with the Amin’s 
government, the very first thing they should have started with was to 
investigate how Amin killed Ugandans. No they could not do that for evidence 
was available that they themselves murdered most of them, so the  moment you 
stand Itabuka into the stand he will list the journeys of killers how they left 
Tanzania and came to Uganda and listing their names. No one needed that. So the 
argument of murdering Ugandans ended as soon as Amin left power and it is only 
talked about in generalities, every name you raise up they stand up with Amin 
murdered that one, and when you try to raise the fact that those from Tanzania 
were killers in Uganda, now you are a criminal, shut up please !!!!!!! Look 
there is a statement that is written on Microsoft to get posted every second in 
UAH on how Amin targeted Acholis and Langis. Now we stand that Amin killed 
specific people who targeted his government for he had the ability to know 
them. They refuse that fact and state that Amin killed Acholis for he hated 
them. Well was Charles Arube an Acholi? No he was actually of Amin’s tribe and 
he tried to throw the government out of power. It did not matter what tribe you 
are as long as you did not threaten the government, Amin cared very little if 
you are an Acholi. 

 

And it marvels my small mind to see how they go after him when security was 
worried how Acholis were dancing before him with spears as a true Acholi dance, 
they wanted that dance to officially be stopped for you have so many Acholis 
against the government,  how do you allow them to pull a spear that close to 
you sir?  We need to stop that dance. Amin took a stand and said no let them 
dance for they are Ugandans and have every right everyone has. The man stood 
and became the best defender of Acholis and Langis when the world wanted to 
raise up and go after them amass. The dances for the president continued until 
when the man left power, and they danced any time he was in Acholi land. So the 
program was done straight up, Nankasa dance, followed by Kabalagala Gonja 
dance, then The Bwola dance and everyone got happy for the president is 
in-house. Iddi Amin himself stood up many times and tried that spear out,  and 
many times he failed the precision it required and everyone laughed at him, the 
man was a man’s people.  And now you are flipping how he hated you?             
                                                                    Geeez 
!!!!!!!!

 

Since we have sat in this entire lie gulag all our adult life, we need to find 
a point and agree to set up a new system in our country a system that has not 
killed our people and a system of new rebranding. If you have been in Uganda 
politics get out and let us get a new people and clean people to stand up and 
move us forward. How can Ssemogerere investigate Obote when he was his 
minister? Can he investigate Tito Okello when he was his representative in 
Nairobi and a minister as well? Can he investigate Olara Otunnu when he was the 
same? Actually Ssemogerere has served every government as all idiots have done. 
And that is why we are at this point where discussing Uganda has become a 
threat for some of us want to come from the opposite way by stating some hard 
facts that happened out there. Uganda’s problem is larger than Iddi Amin, it is 
sitting on a solution built by killers. It is those killers we need out of the 
parade then we get new people to run the country. Are you not surprised that 
all state research people remain in Uganda un touched to today? They are dying 
of age even if you point them out today that I know this man was a killer, no 
one will dare arrest him for that killer was known by those in power today and 
they were killing together.  

 

As the series continue names are going to drop, and are going to drop like a 
bang, for it is the only way Ugandans will realize how we are running in the 
same circle day in day out, and to tell you the truth, some of us are simply 
too tired of the God damn nonsense.

 

EM

On the 49th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
                    Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika 
machafuko"

 

From: [email protected] 
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of john kwitonda
Sent: Friday, November 07, 2014 1:24 AM
To: [email protected]
Subject: Re: {UAH} SSEJUSA OPENS A WEBSITE

 

let him also probe who shot people at kasubi tombs and the 2009 riots. we want 
a report on who shot people at city square in 1980 during the

 no 

Lule NO WORK  PROTESTS. IT WOULD BE INTERESTING TO KNOw who also killed the 
muslims in mbarara and  people in Luweero,.

the probe is welcome but if it is targeting Tinye, then he had a command in 
chief and the buck stops at the command in chief.you cant delegate 
accountability

 

On Thu, Nov 6, 2014 at 1:49 PM, Robukui . <[email protected] 
<mailto:[email protected]> > wrote:


WAR ATTROCITIES PROBE - MUSEVENI TARGETING TINYEFUZA


Musevenis recent promiseto probe and bring to book those who were involved in 
committing attrocities in the north and eastern regions during the insurgency 
is nothing but a desperate counter insurgency move meant to isolate Gen 
Tinyefuza who is in alliance with the likes of Otunnu and Ogole. But moreso his 
claim that he did not know about these attrocities  is a clear demonstration of 
the level of hypocrisy in him.

Will he also probe the following:-

1. Launching a sectarian guerrilla war to dislodge the northern and eastern 
regions dominance of government and the military. The bush war morale boosting 
song "ohhh Melda" that called for the killing of Acholis alluded to this.

2. His NRA killing of Tanzanian troops who were in the country after helping to 
chase Iddi Amin.

3. His NRA deliberate killing of unarmed civilians real or perceived to be 
members of of the rulling UPC government. By dressing his NRA in government 
military uniform,  Baganda peasants were targeted  in order to tarnish the 
image of the government. Its during such a time that the Kandoya and Kafuni 
styles of torture was introduced to deal with perceived enemies (Vipingamizi). 
Its these methods that were exported to the northern and eastern regions after 
taking over power.

4. Creating clandestine hit squads that operated in Kampala with the sole aim 
of antagonizing the population with government. NRAs urban hit squad under 
Kyaligonza caused mayhem to the city dwellers. Kyaligonza personally shot dead 
the DP member of Parliament for Mwenge, Hon. Bamuturaki at Kisementi.

5. His NRA disrupted the normal life of Baganda peasants in the Luwero Triangle 
where life and livelihood was lost.The Balalo pastrolists were compensated for 
their contribution but the Baganda peasants lost out completely.

6. To pursue his childhood presidential ambitions he lured many sons and 
daughters of Uganda who lost their lives while others had their future 
irrepairably ruined.

7. The shooting and lynching of defenseless defeated former UNLAs in Kampala 
upon takeover in 1986 and the general harassment of those hailing from the 
northern and eastern region being  
<http://changeofguards.blogspot.ca/2014/02/war-attrocities-probe-museveni.html> 
LABELED to as Anyanyas.

8. The systematic reprisal attacks by the NRA against civilians in the northern 
and eastern regions that gave rise to the self defense insurgency.

9. The systematic economic deprivation of Acholis, Langis and Itesot of stocks. 
Gen Matayo Kyaligonza ferried trailer loads of cattle from Teso to his home in 
Hoima.

10. The mass murder of civilians in Mukura train wagon byMajor Bunyenyezi who 
was the Brigade Commander. Its only Capt Oduch the Brigade I.O who was briefly 
arrested and later released.

11. The practicing of scortched earth policy in northern Uganda that gave fuel 
to the insurgency. Museveni one time told the international media " I dont know 
torture. I have educated myself on many things but I have never known the 
boundary between what is torture and what is not. I know the NRA people tie 
these people when they arrest them. They tie their hands back ward. Am now 
being told that is torture. Its the traditional method. (Daily Nation 
-26/01/86). Later he told the BBC Panorama program that "What is the Geneva 
Convention on War? I have never read it"

12. The use of Chemical weapons in Acholiland by the NRA against the 
insurgents. They had been acquired from Eritrea who also provided the first 
battle tanks.

13. The hording of former UNLAs into concenration camps in Kiburara and later 
Nabisojo under appalling conditions. The cold blooded shooting by the NRA of 
Maj. Odoch in Jinja ater the signing of the Pece peace deal with the UPDA 
faction of Col. Angello Okello.

14. The mass hording of civilians into concentration camps termed IDPs for two 
decades thus destroying their way of livelihood.

15. The recruitment of children from the northern and eastern region into the 
NRA by exploiting their economic and social vulnerability.

16. Knowingly  recruiting Rwandese refugees into his personal NRA and using 
them to fight dissenting Ugandans in the north and north eastern regions.

Therefore, as Commander in Chief Museveni knew details of each and every 
military undertaking in any corner of Uganda.His current utterances can only be 
equated to dancing on the graves of the dead and adding salt to the wounds of 
the injured.
At the time of Operation North, Tinyafuza was the Minister of State for 
Defence. As Minister, he was not in any way in the heirachy of military field 
operations. He could only have taken command of Operation North with full 
approval, blessing and backing of Museveni the Commander in Chief. He only 
recalled Tinyefuza from that operation out of fear that the former was gaining 
alot of popularity among ground troops.

The said probe will simply remain on paper.

INFORMATION IS POWER.        

Posted by  <http://www.blogger.com/profile/14776236400664835754> Uganda - A 
Change of Guards! a




 

Viele GruBe

Robukui

 

2014-11-02 2:51 GMT-08:00 rahimu jabendo <[email protected] 
<mailto:[email protected]> >:

Fellow Ugandans, I greet you all.
I have been asked by FREE UGANDA LEADERSHIP COMITTEE to launch the new FU 
website and an online gazette which our friends have helped us to put in place.
Before I launch them, let me give a brief history, lest we forget how all it 
all started.
When I left Uganda on the 30/4/2013, I was not running away to live in exile as 
many have been speculating.

It is true we had embarked on a process to cause change as far back as October 
2011 following the breakdown of civil authority in the way government was 
handling opposition complaints following the elections. But my struggle against 
Mr Museveni dictatorial tendencies dates back to the bush war, 1981-1986.

For instance, I see many revisionists casting my opposition to Museveni in 1984 
as merely about a woman. When true history is ultimately written, it will show 
that it was a struggle against not following systems, about nepotism, about 
dictatorial and blatant disregard of procedures and rules. And it was not only 
this issue of women combants etc, it covered other areas which have not been 
discussed. But these will be discussed in the future. Suffice to state that due 
to lack of accountability culture and serious consideration for institutional 
rule, we have witnessed the degrading of the formal state and emergence of 
personal rule based on patronage, incredible corruption and actually, open 
subversion of the constitution.

Indeed, after we took power,these tendencies of no accountability were to lead 
to the morally and politically wrong decision to extend NRM rule without an 
election contrary to the promise we had made to the country and which had been 
overwhelmingly supported by all before we took power in 1986. Again, at this 
time, some of us stood with some civilian politicians like Hon Ziritwawula to 
oppose the move. Again a meeting of the High Command was called and the 
chairman, Mr Museveni issued an order that Gen Muntu would be the only one to 
speak in NRC about this matter and indeed, he went and gave that "collective" 
view that NRA supported the extension, which was a misrepresentation of what 
actually transpired in that meeting in Entebbe (the minutes of the meeting 
later found their way to some members of NRC and it caused problems for late 
Col Selwanga Lwanga. Copies are still available for all to see). When I 
objected, I was told to go and speak in favour if I wanted or not attend. I 
chose not to attend that NRC session.

In 1994-5 during CA, I faced an existential threat when I opposed Mr Museveni’s 
open subversion against the process. I used to warn my colleagues that what was 
happening would come back to haunt us. Many thought I was an alarmist. See 
where the country is now, and how many people we are losing, and the squandered 
opportunities.

When I supported Federo during Constitutional Assembly, I was the only person 
from the government side to vote with the opposition. And then I wanted the 
opening up of political space, this time with Dr Besigye and Col Sserwanga 
Lwanga, the threats against us were huge. I remember Mzee Bidandi Ssali angrily 
asking me in a Buganda caucus meeting that sat at Kampala City Council (KCC) 
chambers whether I had gone to the bush to fight for Federo. I just laughed. I 
saw people who now had assumed the status of givers and not mere custodians. I 
knew we were heading for trouble. I was later to meet my great friend Jaberi 
who I take as among a few honest men we had around, and he told me "General 
ebintu byammwe bizibu". (Gen, your things are difficult to understand).

In fact at the time, many of the people now leading opposition parties who were 
still in NRM then considered me a spoiler. I warned them then, as I am warning 
others now, that the danger that faces our country is real and the consequences 
will be dire.

Then in 1996, I tried but failed to convince Mr Museveni not to contest in that 
election, but instead to allow a civilian to stand and we hand power to the 
people to avoid future problems. This was during the High Command meeting at 
Nakasero. In an earlier meeting, Mr Museveni had told us that we should never 
allow anyone to come and spoil our country! I asked him “then why waste time 
and subject the country to an election that we knew we had to win?” I felt that 
the ideals for which I had fought and was shot twice during the war were being 
betrayed.

I went and decided to support Dr Kawanga Ssemogerere to stand against Mr 
Museveni. What many may not know is that Dr Kawanga Ssemogerere was not ready 
yet because he had been threatened.

I personally picked the late Kakyama Mayanja from his Lungujja home and 
together we went and picked Dr Kawanga from his Rubaga home in Late Kakyama's 
Cross Country vehicle, and drove him to the place where he announced his 
resignation from NRM government as second deputy prime minister and minister of 
foreign affairs. Mr Museveni wanted to sack him first so that he goes with no 
political capital. At least I saved him from the Dr Kisekka humiliation, and 
the type of humiliation that Mbabazi is now facing. He then declared his 
candidature against Museveni.

When Museveni called me in the presence of Salim Saleh to explain why I was 
fighting them, I told them that I wanted to save Uganda, because beyond this, 
we shall have another Luweero. Museveni threatened to arrest me but feared the 
backlash, the same dilemma he is facing now. There is a detailed document on 
this, but it is good Mzee Hon Dr Ssemogerere is still with us.

In 1996, I went a step further, and I almost paid the ultimate price, when I 
exposed the evils in the northern Ugandan war, and the corruption, and warned 
against those Internally Displaced People’s camps which Museveni had introduced 
because he refused to heed our advice against a rushed Reduction in Force 
(RIF). In fact Mr Museveni ordered me to go to parliament and support it, and 
he also told me to go to the then British High Commissioner (1992) and 
apologise for opposing it. I found it impossible to support a policy that I 
knew would lead to death of thousands. I had advocated for a phased approach to 
keep us with enough troops to cover the ground as we saved incrementally to 
modernise the army. Museveni rejected this. I left command in 1992 but knew 
that those coming would face an impossible task. In 1994, IDPs were introduced 
to try and solve the lack of adequate soldiers on the ground, just as we had 
warned. So the tragedies of those camps must lie squarely with Mr Museveni.

In 2005, while at the Command and staff College Kimaka, we who were members of 
parliament, were herded to Kampala to support the motion to remove term limits. 
I decided not to go to Kampala. Then the Commandant at time got an order at 6pm 
that day that we had to attend the next day without fail. That we were not 
expected to have individual views on such an important issue. But this was 
primarily a political issue, how could we not have views? Gen Tumwine called us 
again at 10pm that night to let us know that, he also had got an order that we 
all had to leave by day break. As they say, the rest is history. Those are the 
circumstances under which Term Limits were removed. Yet this was the 
CORNERSTONE of the 1995 Constitution. And we are likely to pay dearly for this 
as a country.

There are many areas that we have been involved in to resist the dictatorship. 
The important point to note is that they are within the confines of the law. 
None is in contravention of the constitution. Therefore, there was never any 
reason for me or any of my compatriots to flee our country and live in exile.

Even after the terror regime had ran amok and ransacked my offices, arresting 
innocent officers and civilians working under me on the 5/5/2013, (many of 
these are still languishing in prison on tramped up charges,) I went ahead and 
confirmed my flight home from the UK on BA on the 8/5/13 for my journey home on 
the 9th. That night of 8th, the Museveni regime carried out a military 
deployment intending to arrest and harm me.
This type of military deployment was not only cowardly but utterly scandalous 
to say the least.
Entebbe international airport was surrounded with combat troops. A total of 13 
tanks and 19 armoured personnel carriers of UPDF were deployed (directly or in 
reserve role) 6 police APCs, with 3 fire brigade utility vehicles and thousands 
of police in riot gear lined the 36 kilometer road from Kampala to Entebbe.
Ahelicopter gunship was at the runway. The other two were at Entebbe state 
house lawn on standby.
The airport was surrounded, roads closed and road blocks mounted in 12 places 
along that Entebbe highway.

This type of deployment was criminal in both intent and action. Indeed, in the 
history of our country, more guns were deployed against an unarmed individual, 
travelling in a civilian airline (British Airways) than was deployed at the 
capture of Kampala, in both instances, by the Tanzanians in 1979 against Idi 
Amin and by NRA in 1986 against the Lutwa junta.

Such was the level of panic and reckless mode of the near failed state that it 
was only reasonable for me to delay my return home.

The regime of Mr Museveni learns nothing at all. Having messed up big time in 
my case, one would expect the regime to draw lessons and to be less 
belligerent, and act in a civil manner, but alas, as we saw when they attacked 
Mr Mbabazi's home, in his absence, with no due regard to civilized conduct for 
a party Secretary General. They brandished guns at his family, entered private 
premises without a search warrant, and generally caused mayhem, which forced 
Mrs Mbabazi to desperately try to protect her homestead. These acts show a 
regime that is drunk with power, where the legal boundaries that protect 
citizens from state abuse are ignored and peoples' rights trampled upon with 
impunity.
For those who may not know, prior to Mr Mbabazi's sacking and humiliation, the 
entire UPDF had been put-on standby class one.
Two reinforced units had been deployed, one with elements from SFC at summit 
view and other reinforced unit at Makindye and then Mbuya.

The operational orders with my son Brigadier Leo Kyanda, which he got from" 
above"(you know where) had a mission “to take Kololo Nyonyi gardens target XQ 
and neutralise the threat".
So that attack on Mbabazi residence and offices were not normal deployments as 
I saw my government struggling to spin. You don’t surround someone's residence 
with 200 soldiers, raid escorts’ homes at 2am, ransack a private residence in 
full glare of cameras, and then tell us that it is normal.

What this message should show though, even to my elder brother Ndugu Rugunda, 
someone I have worked with very closely in the past, is that all should stand 
warned. Ndugu, " orukooko ruri omukarugu". (The hyenas lay in wait nearby).

It is one year and 5 months since I left my country. But the clever people who 
begot me have a saying that, Ozayisanga notafisa, or Kuri ozasya otafise! 
(simply put, it is better for a loved one to live in a foreign land but be 
alive than dead at home) for victory is for the living. Although the dead can 
also win over the living in some instances. Especially over those we refer to 
as " abagwiire eruguru" or "the walking dead". Those who become door mats for 
these dictators.

Anyway, despite my exile, a lot of work is being done both at the home front 
and in the diaspora.
I thank all those who are making this possible. It is also gratifying to note 
that all that I warned about has come to pass. And even those not yet so 
obvious. Mission creep is on. It is a matter of time. NOTHING BEATS TIME.

What then has been achieved since then?
Despite the disruption caused by my failure to return home, nevertheless, a lot 
has been achieved. With joint action with others, both inside and outside the 
country, the liberation struggle has taken on a new character.
There has been
1-the galvanisation of a united people-based mass liberation struggle, covering 
all areas and sectors in the country. FREE UGANDA, a broad based political 
liberation platform has embarked on a non partisan empowerment plan for all. FU 
is not a political party, its a vangard front for all, irrespective of 
political beliefs one may have. To build capacity.
2- the ideological shift in the country towards a broad-based, multipronged 
approach with a vibrant debate on the ways and means to achieve liberation as 
provided for under the constitution of Uganda,
3- diplomatic victories against the dictatorship, not only in the region but 
internationally. These are many and important but I will spell them out later.
4- increased political awareness about the popular discontent in the country 
against the dictatorship .
5- the exposure of the glaring facts which show the inevitable collapse of the 
formal state and internal disintegration of NRM
6- a new strategy of opposition forces building joint capacity irrespective of 
their historical configurations.
7- the agreement on the minimum political programme for the country to help 
shape a new Uganda. This is ofcourse a continuing process but I must say we are 
on the right course.
There are other areas I will cover later but I must say that organisationally 
we are more sound.
In launching this website and the gazette, I wish to thank all those who have 
assisted us in this endeavour. Am told Museveni’s statehouse spent 600 million 
shillings to construct its website. Ours has cost us 600 pounds (2 million 
shillings).

That shows the magnitude of the corruption and decadence of the Museveni 
government. Indeed, the American ambassador ably put it that corruption is the 
new Aids (slim/ hiv/aids) of Uganda. It could not have been put better!
Fellow Ugandans, just know that Uganda is our country. No one has a right to 
abuse it, let alone destroy it. Millions have sacrificed for that country 
through the years. Our grandmothers and fathers, in a joint national effort. We 
too, the current generation have sacrificed and many have paid the ultimate 
price. Therefore, it is those who choose to do nothing that commit treason not 
us who have chosen to do something.
Make no mistake, the people will ultimately win. And as the events in Burkina 
Faso show, even those in positions of leadership who corraborate and help 
prolong that dictatorship, the people in popular uprising will neautralise 
them. So they need to start doing the right thing before it is too late.
I now have the pleasure to launch the Free Uganda website and online gazette.
I thank you all.
For god and my country.
General David Sejusa
CHAIRMAN FREE UGANDA


-- 

"War is nothing but a  continuation of political intercourse, with a mixture of 
other means. Man will never be free until the last king is strangled with the 
entrails of the last priest.”  

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