Mike pOcure
“The question is, was the regime of the late OBOTE worse than the current
NRA/M7ism regime?”
As a man that had high aspirations for the UPC government let alone party, I am
sorry to respond to your question with a Yes to your question. As long as you
do not murder people stupidly, we will sit with bad politics. Now is Museveni’s
government murdering people? Yes it does, but man we do not have Acholi’s
prowling our villages at night, stealing everything we have and raping our
wives in day light, but sleep in forests. On record if I have only one vote to
decide if we go back to Obote violence or remain with Museveni I vote for
Museveni.
Mike pOcure Acholi violence needs to go sir !!!!
EM
On the 49th Parallel
Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika
machafuko"
From: ugandans-at-he...@googlegroups.com
[mailto:ugandans-at-he...@googlegroups.com]
Sent: Sunday, May 10, 2015 5:11 PM
To: ugandans-at-he...@googlegroups.com
Subject: SV: {UAH} Pilot Ojiambo refuses to bomb Museveni in 1986
Mw. RUBUKI and UAH folks,
The question is how many people have been killed or massacred by the NRA/M7
regime since it came to power some 30 plus years and still counting?
Let us not even forget the massacred of folks, right from Rwanda, DR Congo,
Northern and Eastern Uganda, South Sudan and still counting! The moral concern
is, how would those who composed the song of; “Kati kasta kasita otulo”!
The question is, was the regime of the late OBOTE worse than the current
NRA/M7ism regime? I do not have the answer! But, I think the many millions
death of human beings in the whole Great Lake Region speaks volumes!
Ocaya pOcure
Den söndag, 10 maj 2015 18:09 skrev Robukui . <robuku...@gmail.com
<mailto:robuku...@gmail.com> >:
Obote 2 should be a Political course on governance.
Then again, the same argument could be made for Obote 1.
Viele GruBe
Robukui
2015-05-10 7:36 GMT-07:00 KASULEX MOSES <humanadvoc...@outlook.ie>:
Pilot Ojiambo refuses to bomb Museveni in 1986
SHARE BOOKMARKPRINTRATING
On Wednesday, January 29, 1986, at the veranda of the Parliament Building,
President Yoweri Museveni survived death. FILE PHOTOS
By Faustin Mugabe
Posted Sunday, May 10 2015 at 01:00
SHARE THIS STORY
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Mission. After the plot to assassinate Museveni was sealed, the mission order
was assigned to Flight Captain Stephen Ojiambo and his co-pilot Lt Andama, a
gunner from Acholi and the flight technician, writes Faustin Mugabe.
On Wednesday, January 29, 1986, at the veranda of the Parliament Building,
President Yoweri Museveni survived death.
This time, however, not only him, but also senior National Resistance Army
(NRA) commanders and thousands of soldiers, top National Resistance Movement
(NRM) officials, local and foreign dignitaries, would have been murdered in a
bomb explosion fired from an enemy helicopter piloted by a captain of the
former Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) of the military government which
the NRA had four days earlier routed from power in Kampala.
If flight Captain Stephen Ojiambo, flying the Bell Textron helicopter gunship,
and his co-pilot Lt Andama had obeyed the orders of their commander, Lt Gen
Bazilio Olara Okello, to fire a missile at victorious NRA rebel leader Museveni
before or as he took oath, the history of Uganda since January 1986 to-date
would have been recorded differently.
Lt Gen Okello, who had been made the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) in the
General Tito Okello Lutwa government following the July 27, 1985, coup against
president Milton Obote was angry over the January 25, 1986, defeat by NRA
fighters in Kampala.
Once he had reached Gulu, he reorganised the remnants of the UNLA, especially
those who were from Acholi sub-region, and assembled them in Gulu District in
northern Uganda ready to fight the last to-defeat or win battle against the
advancing NRA soldiers.
>From the Gulu airbase, an infuriated Okello, with the assistance of former Air
>Force Base Commander, Lt Col Henry Obonyo, planned the mission to assassinate
>Museveni and his lieutenants who had ousted them from power.
The plan was that if Museveni was killed, the NRA would be demoralised and
disintegrate and it would be easy to fight and defeat them. And so, the
assassination of the NRA chief commander was the best way to demoralise and
disorganise the former rebels.
The UNLA remnants forces had seven of 10 newly acquired helicopter gunships
from Defence Systems Limited, a British company as well as the Clareville, a
Swiss/Canadian firm which had been training and supporting the UNLA against the
NRA rebels during the Luweero war.
This was revealed by an American flight engineer and a helicopter mechanic from
New Zealand who were arrested at Entebbe military airfield by the NRA soldiers
after the fall of Kampala.
Ojiambo sets off
After the plot to assassinate Museveni was sealed, the mission order was
assigned to Flight Captain Stephen Ojiambo who hailed from then Tororo District
(now Busia) in eastern Uganda, his co-pilot Lt Andama who hailed from Arua, a
gunner from Acholi whose name we could not establish but who was not originally
part of the air force, and the flight technician whose name we could not
establish.
With 38 side-mounted rockets and heavy machine gun attached on the Bell Textron
helicopter gunship, Captain Ojiambo and his crew set off from Gulu at the break
of dawn ready to execute the mission once he reached within the target range
above the Parliament Building unchallenged.
But after taking off from the airbase, Capt Ojiambo had a second thought about
the assigned mission. He judged the magnitude of damage he was about to unleash
on his countrymen and women all in attempt to kill one prime target Museveni,
and suddenly changed his mind. The crew decided to disobey their commanders’
order and opted to save thousands of innocent lives. The crowd at Parliament on
that day was estimated to be more than 10,000!
In his own words, Ojiambo told a British freelance journalist, Ed Hooper,
working with the BBC, the Guardian and the Africa Now newspapers the difficult
choices he faced. According to the Africa Now magazine of March 1986, Ojiambo
was quoted as having said: “We would have blown the whole building [Parliament]
apart…many people would have been killed.”
And Hooper writes: “He [Ojiambo] reflects when I met him two weeks later [after
January 29, 1986]. Instead, he flies back north to Nakasongola air base and
surrenders with his crew at a nearby police post.”
Later, the helicopter was flown from Nakasongola to Kololo airstrip and then to
the Nile Mansions (now Serena Hotel) compound in Kampala. When Hooper
interviewed Ojiambo, he was staying on the fourth floor of the hotel. Ojiambo
was later integrated into the national air force. At the time of his death in
early 2000s, he was at the rank of major.
Worth remembering is that shortly after the NRA had captured power, some
security experts felt President Museveni was so disposed to a sniper bullet
because his security ring often let him exposed, especially when interacting
with the public and more so in Kampala.
In his assessment as a journalist, Hooper wrote in the same Africa Now
publication about President Museveni’s personal security: “A bullet from a
zealot’s gun could disrupt the new order all too easily. Already, NRM officials
and even the foreign diplomats have apparently urged the new President to
increase personal security precautions.”
He argued: “Given the man’s importance to the continent and the potential
threat he represents there, Museveni would surely be well-advised to compromise
some.”
Okuku witnessed it all at Parliament
Lieutenant Nelson Okuku (retired) having spied on the UPC government, including
president Milton Obote and his lieutenants for some time, abandoned his job as
a Star and Ngabo newspaper political reporter and in 1984 joined the rebel
ranks.
Okuku, who recently attained a PhD and lives in Sweden, in an interview last
week narrated to the Sunday Monitor about the attempted assassination of
President Museveni on January 29, 1986, at Parliament.
Okuku was also a former member of the NRA High Command until 1994 when he left
Uganda for studies and never returned till 2006. He also has a bullet scar in
the right arm which he sustained during the Busega swamp battle.
“Commander Mwesigye saved me. He shouted Nelson don’t go, take cover, don’t
move. Everybody was running, crossing a stream. I was next to jump when I had a
bullet hit. I think the guy had aimed for my head,” he says.
Okuku was in the famous Mobile Battalion commanded by Salim Saleh which oversaw
the security at the Parliament premises. And this is how he recalls it:
Lieutenant Nelson Okuku (retired)
“At 09:00 hours, the Parliament [premises] was already filled to capacity by
thousands of jubilant Ugandans who came to witness the ceremony. As a people’s
army, as many referred to us, we checked everyone who entered the Parliament
gate in a disciplined manner.”
“That day marked the first restoration of confidence NRA soldiers showed
wananchi in Kampala. We could hear some people talking about our discipline in
comparison to former UNLA soldiers who used to harass, beat, kick and even kill
them.”
“Indeed, we could see and felt that the wananchi had experienced a sigh of
relief on their security and truly, the fundamental change had come and it was
not just a mere change of guards.”
He went on: “At around 10:00 hours, Democratic Party leader Paul Kawanga
Ssemogerere, who had been the minister for Internal Affairs during General Tito
Okello regime, arrived. Then former president Godfrey Binaisa also arrived and
then Abraham Waliggo – former prime minister during Tito Okello regime – also
arrived and many other officials who had served in the Obote and Tito regimes.
As these leaders entered the gate of Parliament, we the NRA soldiers saluted
them as a sign of respect.”
And he remembers: “Thereafter, came the convoy of the commander of NRA Mobile
Battalion Salim Saleh. But surprisingly, he [Saleh] did not go where other
dignitaries were seated. Instead, he opted to stand aside near the public about
15 metres on the left side from the main gate of the Parliament [bordering the
KCCA premises]. What I noticed was that although the people of Kampala had
heard and read about the NRA commander known as Salim Saleh, they did not know
him personally.”
“At around 10:30 hours chairman, “Mzee” Museveni, as he was normally called,
arrived at the Parliament in a gleaming black Mercedes-Benz car amidst
ululation from thousands of jubilant Ugandans who had waited for this moment.”
“I [Okuku] was in military combat but managed to mingle with many local and
international journalists who were covering the occasion. Many of them knew me
since I had worked with them,” he recalls.
Salim Saleh’s reaction
It seems commander Saleh aka “Rufu” (which means death in Runyankole as was
popularly called by his peers in the bush) was the first person to be informed
about the attempted assassination of President Yoweri Museveni during the
swearing-in ceremony at the Parliament building.
Okuku says: “As the swearing-in programme was going on, I saw Salim Saleh’s
military signaller rushing to him with a message book. He [Saleh] read the
message. Then I saw his reaction; it was of concern. He then left where he was
standing and moved away a bit from the crowd to the gate [northern gate to the
KCCA premises].”
“His reaction was a bit disturbing. I was curious and followed him where he
stood. I saluted him, he replied [saluted back], then jokingly, asked me in
Kiswahili, Okuku namnagani? (Okuku, how are you?).”
I replied fine Afande.
Okuku further narrated: “Then later on, an NRA [soldier] photographer known as
Yunus Songolo (RIP) came and told me ‘Nelson, do you know we were about to be
bombed?’ I asked him how? I immediately looked at Salim Saleh. He stood quiet
and looked straight where the ceremony was being conducted (on the steps of the
Parliament).”
“I became inquisitive and demanded to know, who was going to bomb us amidst
tight security with the entire Parliament Building cordoned off and above all
we had screened wananchi one by one as they entered the gate.”
“I then asked Songolo how he knew of the plot. He told me that he had been told
by the signaller that the helicopter was about to bomb us. That is when I
realised that the message which commander Saleh had read and then gradually
moved to take position where he could monitor everything that was happening.”
Later on when Okuku asked Songolo where the helicopter was, he was told him
that it had landed at Nakasongola Airbase and the pilot had surrendered.
“It was a relief to us,” Okuku recalls.
Asked if the NRA soldiers at Parliament had the capacity to shoot down the
plane had it come close, he said absolutely not.
“We had no capacity to shoot it down. I am 100 per cent sure we would not have
been able to shoot it down. We had no capacity,” Okuku says.
During the interview, Okuku also narrated how the same helicopter piloted by
the late Ojiambo had given NRA fighters hard time around Busega, Nabbingo and
Nsangi area a week before the fall of Kampala.
Except those who ought to know of the attempted assassination of President
Museveni, the rest and especially the public to this day did not know how
miraculously they survived the bombing.
However, Okuku narrates: “The following day, which was January 30, 1986, I
heard that the helicopter gunship which was supposed to bomb the Parliament was
at Kololo airstrip. I went and saw the helicopter and indeed it was still
loaded with ammunition.”
“I inquired where the pilot was. But the soldiers guarding were not sure where
he had been taken. Since the soldiers were from the Mobile Battalion, I
suspected that the pilot must be at Afande Saleh’s place.”
“I knew that Afande Saleh had established his headquarters in one of those
homes around Kololo Hill about 20 minutes-walk from the airstrip. I went there
in a bid to see the pilot. I was told [by someone he cannot remember] that
shortly after commander Saleh had received the message about the helicopter
landing at Nakasongola, he dispatched someone with the order to bring the
helicopter to Kampala.”
“However, I did not meet Commander Saleh at his home. So I inquired where the
helicopter pilot was and I was told that he was at the Nile Mansion (now
Kampala Serena Hotel).”
Okuku further recounts: “I went to the Nile Mansion and found him seated
outside near the reception, still in his military uniform. I saluted and
congratulated him. He was in a jovial mood and willing to talk freely. I
introduced myself to him (Ojiambo). I was also in military uniform and we
engaged in a discussion. That is when he told me that Gen Bazilio Okello had
ordered him from Gulu to come and kill Museveni during the swearing-in
ceremony.”
“He explained that he could not carry out the order since they [UNLA] had lost
the war. He deemed it that he rather surrenders. And he landed the helicopter
at Nakasongola airbase. He made it very clear that the UNLA was fighting a
losing battle and saw no need to continue fighting.”
When Okuku asked Ojiambo the whereabouts of Gen Bazilio Okello, Ojiambo sounded
unbothered but emphasised that Gen Okello had readied his forces to fight the
advancing NRA in northern Uganda.
And indeed when the NRA reached Gulu, they found them ready for the battle. And
one of the fiercest battles was fought at Corner Kilak between the forces
commanded by Maj Eric Odwar on one side and Fred Rwigyema on the other. In the
battle that lasted more than 48 hours, almost non-stop, commander Rwigyema
triumphed as Odwar was killed.
Back to the Nile Mansion in Kampala, having seen the would-be assassin Ojiambo,
Okuku returned to Radio Uganda which was his assigned command station for the
next three months before he left to join the Presidential Press Unit (PPU).
Nonetheless, Okuku recognises pilot Ojiambo’s decision to disobey his commander
and said: “I have high regard above all respect for his judgment of disobeying
the Lt Gen Okello’s order and his decision to surrender. Otherwise, Lt Gen
Okello would have been defeated and died with the bloodbath beyond human
history. Thank you, pilot.”
Interestingly, President Museveni does not refer to this incident at all in his
book Sowing the Mustard Seed.
Who was Capt Ojiambo?
Stephen Ojiambo joined the armed forces as a cadet on August 12, 1971, and
underwent basic military training at the Bombo Training Wing. He thereafter was
enlisted into the Basic Pilot Course at Entebbe Airbase.
In mid-1973, he and other air force recruits were sent to the Soviet Union for
training. His was on a three-year helicopter piloting course. He returned to
Uganda in 1976 but fled shortly afterwards after a section of the air force
officers tried to stage a coup against Idi Amin; planning to shoot him at
Kibuli Mosque.
He turned in 1979 with the UNLA liberation forces and re-joined the air force,
flying several deadly bombing missions in Luweero Triangle against the NRA
rebels.
After the aborted bombing of Parliament and his surrender to the NRA, he was
reintegrated into the air force where he served until his death in the early
2000s.
His colleague on the mission, Lt Andama, too was reintegrated into the air
force. He died in a helicopter crash at Layibi in the 1990s as he flew from
Gulu air base to Entebbe.
_____
Date: Sun, 10 May 2015 06:47:10 -0700
Subject: {UAH} HOW MUSEVENI MILKS UGANDANS TO FUND HIS LIFE PRESIDENCY SCHEME
From: robuku...@gmail.com
To: ugandans-at-he...@googlegroups.com; ugandans-at-hea...@googlegroups.com
HOW MUSEVENI MILKS UGANDANS TO FUND HIS LIFE PRESIDENCY SCHEME
No doubt Museveni is the State of Uganda and vice versa thus there is nothing
like his purported NRM-O party or opposition parties but a Museveni life
presidency project funded by all Ugandans. It is no longer a secret that
Museveni's personal control of the security forces and the Treasury is the
foundation of his life presidency scheme.
Legally challenged
The Political Parties and Organisations Act requires political parties to
periodically declare their assets and liabilities to the Electoral Commission
(EC) and to declare their source of funds and other assets. Further, they are
required to have their audited books of accounts verified by the EC. The said
financial statements are supposed to be signed by the party Chairman, Secretary
General and Treasurer. The same law stipulates that where a political party or
organisation fails to comply with the above requirement 21 days after the
notice from the EC to do so, the EC may apply to the High Court for an order to
deregister that political party or organisation.
It is on the basis of that law that in 2014 a private citizen Francis Atugonza
approached the Electoral Commission seeking to be given access to the audited
accounts of Museveni's NRM-O party. The EC could not comply just because the
NRM-O does not have a budget, no books of accounts and does not submit audited
books of accounts. Mr Atugonza had seek remedy from court whereby last week the
Chief Magistrate's Court ordered the EC to avail him with information
pertaining to records of contributions, donations, or pledges made funders or
promoters of the NRM-O. The order further required the EC to avail statements
of funds and the names of the persons that had contributed funds and properties
belonging to NRM-O and annual audited accounts for the last three years.
It is a fact that Museveni's NRM-O has not furnished the EC with its audited
accounts for quite a number of years. This is because Museveni simply uses
public resources to fund his purported political party activities. In reality,
NRM-O political party does not exist but its Museveni's life presidency scheme
that is interwoven with the state of Uganda thus funded by the national
treasury. The EC can not take action against the NRM-O because it is part and
parcel of the structures of the life presidency scheme. Even the Chief
Magistrates Court issued this order just because Museveni has not full attained
the required degree of subduing the Judiciary thus the existence of some
pockets of 'counter revolutionary' judicial officers.
Museveni is the major funder
Apart from the 264 NRM Members of Parliament (MPs) that are said to make
monthly contributions of 100,00 shillings (about US40$), the NRM-O has never
attempted to disclose its source of huge and excessive funding of its
activities. The party has no budget and no business entity to generateINCOME
since its own Danze Enterprises was run down immediately it was initiated in
the mid 90s. In November 2005 NRM's James Kakooza disclosed that each party
member had contributed 100,000 shillings to rise 10b shillings of which 6b
shillings had been budgeted for the Nov 2005 delegated conference. The then
Defence Minister Amama Mbabazi who chaired the organising committee for the
delegates conference told The Monitor that whoever was questioning the source
of theMONEY "should mind their business". However, in September 2011 the then
party spokesperson Karooro Okurut said that Museveni contributes 40% of his
monthly emoluments to party funding. She added that the LC 5 Chairmen, MPs,
friends and other party members also contribute to the party funding. He
singled out the 110,000 shillings monthly contribution from each of the 264 NRM
MPs
that amounts to 29million shillings per month.
'Cash conduit' projects
It is a tradition for the Museveni regime to come up with poverty alleviation
projectsTARGETINGmainly the youth and women but in actual sense such projects
are a conduit for syphoning off public resources. A living example is during
the 2006 and 2011general elections when the so called Presidential Initiative
on Markets became a political fund for Museveni's election campaigns. Through
Micro Finance Service Centre Ltd (MSC) - a government institution that manages
micro credit funds, his brother Gen Saleh, then Finance Minister Syda Bbumna,
Political Assistant Moses Byaruhanga and former Vice President Specioza Kazibwe
used the funds for Museveni's election campaigns. Although meant to be
revolving fund to help market vendors and small scale business people access
credit, the fund was turned into non refundable political handouts. Maria
Kiwanuka who replaced Syda Bumba as Finance Minister attempted to probe into
this particular financial scam by suspending among others Dr Wandira Kazibwe
who had been the Board Chairperson. No wonder, the same Maria Kiwanuka has just
been 'awarded' by being dropped for being independent minded. Therefore, all
those projects designed to alleviate poverty are nothing but a conduit for
siphoning off public resources for Museveni's party activities.
Supplementary budgets
The Museveni regime has been abusing the supplementary window by asking for
huge sums of in supplementary budgets to that exceed what is allowed by law.
The major beneficiaries of these supplementary budgets has been the Ministry of
Defence, Police and State House whose classified budget votes are not subjected
to audit under the pretext of national security. The case in point is the
current efforts by the army to seek a parliamentaryAPPROVAL of 486billion
shillings ostensibly for the purchase of classified military equipments. In mid
2014 the Ministry of Defence negotiated with a bank in Russia through
RosoboroneMuseveni who is the state.
Foreign military adventures
This has been another avenue of rising funds for Museveni's life presidency
scheme. From the military invasion of the Congo in the late 90s where creation
of ghost soldiers was one of the means of swindling publicMONEY to the military
adventures in CAR, Sudan and Somalia where diversion of resources and the
inflated defence expenditure, the regime finds a smokescreen for accessing
public resources for its political activities. In early 2014 the army sought
and got parliamentary approval of billions of taxi payer'sMONEY ostensibly for
the South Sudan military expedition. At the same time the government of South
Sudan was claiming to be funding some components of the Uganda army's
operational costs. For the Somalia peace mission, under both the UN and the AU
peace keeping agreements, troop contributing countries are reimbursed if they
deploy with their own equipment - both lethal and non lethal. This is under a
provision in the agreement called Reimbursement of Contingent Own Equipment
(RCOE). The regime has never disclosed how much they have been reimbursed on
top of loss of equipments more especially the recent helicopter crashes in
Kenya en-route to Somalia. The regime has even been forcefully deducting
soldier's allowances in order to finance the life presidency scheme.
National Treasury
Museveni has unlimited access to the national treasury. The Uganda Revenue
authority is under his personal control and direction. He issues out loans from
the national treasury to individual party cohorts like Hassan Bassajabalaba -
the chairman of the regime's Entrepreneur's League who was a 21 billion
shilling soft loan from bank of Uganda. Explaining why the country had suffered
unprecedented inflation after the 2011 general elections, the Governor of the
Central Bank confirmed that he had been misled by the government into
indirectly financing electioneering activities in 2011 an action which plunged
the country's economy into chaos. He stated thus: "I can assure you that the
central bank did not directly print money but where government expenditure is
directed towards areas that are not completely transparent, I can not determine
how much of the money I have created ended in political electioneering." He
vowed never to bow to any pressure again but of course its because he belongs
to the Mbabazi Camp. The Governor's brother Brigadier Sabiiti Mutebile is the
army's Chief of Construction whose unit is implicated in the Standard Gauge
railway saga. The Minister of Works Engineer Byandala had earmarked China Civil
and Engineering Construction corporation (CCECC) who had quoted US $ 1.250
billion. Museveni used Eng Byndala's deputy then Engineer Byabagambi to bring
in China Harbour and Engineering corporation (CHEC) who had quoted US$
1.7billion simply because it was to work with the army and even build a
polytechnic school for the partnership in building a pioneering army's
engineering brigade. No wonder, Engineer Byandala has been replaced by Engineer
Byabagambi as the full Minister of Health. When the army's so called
Engineering Brigade is put in place that is when Museveni will have a free day
in swindling from national coffers the real madness will come to light. Major
infrastructure development projects will be undertaken by the army and the
quality will be disaster. Already, the army is in NAADs mismanaging billions of
tax payer's money meant for agriculture improvement. NAADs will evolve into the
army's production wing and together with the Engineering Brigade which is in
the offing, they will be the core handlers of the national service activities.
Once all public service positions will be filled by cadres of the life
presidency project through National Service, the swindling of public resources
will be institutionalised. Museveni is currently itching to get rid of the
incorruptible Auditor General John Muwanga and together with the Governor of
the Central Bank, the cleanup will be complete.
Institutionalised corruption
Museveni and his regime have no political will to fight corruption because it
is through corruption that party faithfuls secure resources for their personal
wealth that make them loyal to the life president project but at the same time
they contribute part of it to the part funding. Most of the NRM party leaders
hold big public offices which they use to national budgetary allocations to
their respective offices to subsidise party work. Corruption is also used to
lure fence sitters into the life presidency scheme. Museveni moves some of his
most trusted cohorts in response to where he intends to direct most public
resources so tha they can channel it to the life presidency scheme funding.
Investors
The corrupt regime has been getting kick backs and direct financial
contributions from the so called foreign investors more especially those of
Asians origin. They have in some instances acted as fronts for some of the
privileged few in winning huge business concessions. They enjoy tax holidays
and free public land to the disadvantage of the locals.
The list of public avenues from which Museveni derives funding for his life
presidency scheme is endless.
INFORMATION IS POWER
Posted by Uganda - A Change of Guards! a
Viele GruBe
Robukui
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be presented responsibly. Your continued membership signifies that you agree to
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or Abbey Semuwemba at: abbeysemuwe...@gmail.com.
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