Are Obama's Record Arms Sales to Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Egypt and Iraq Fueling
Unrest in Middle East?


APRIL 07, 2015

 

GUESTS

 <http://www.democracynow.org/appearances/william_hartung> WILLIAM HARTUNG

director of the Arms and Security Project at the Center for International
Policy. His latest book is Prophets of War: Lockheed Martin and the Making
of the Military-Industrial Complex. He recently wrote an article, "The Obama
Arms Bazaar: Record Sales, Troubling Results."

As Saudi Arabia continues U.S.-backed strikes in Yemen and Washington lifts
its freeze on military to aid to Egypt, new figures show President Obama has
overseen a major increase in weapons sales since taking office. The majority
of weapons exports under Obama have gone to the Middle East and Persian
Gulf. Saudi Arabia tops the list at $46 billion in new agreements. We are
joined by William Hartung, who says that even after adjusting for inflation,
"the volume of major deals concluded by the Obama administration in its
first five years exceeds the amount approved by the Bush administration in
its full eight years in office by nearly $30 billion. That also means that
the Obama administration has approved more arms sales than any U.S.
administration since World War II." Hartung is the director of the Arms and
Security Project at the Center for International Policy, and author of
"Prophets of War: Lockheed Martin and the Making of the Military-Industrial
Complex."

  _____  


TRANSCRIPT


This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AARON MATÉ: We turn now to the major increase in U.S. arms exports under
President Obama. As Saudi Arabia continues U.S.-backed strikes in Yemen and
Washington lifts its freeze on military aid to Egypt, new figures show the
majority of U.S. weapons exports under Obama have gone to the Middle East
and the Persian Gulf. Saudi Arabia tops the list at $46 billion in new
agreements. William Hartung writes that even after adjusting for inflation,
quote, "The volume of major deals concluded by the Obama administration in
its first five years exceeds the amount approved by the Bush administration
in its full eight years in office by nearly $30 billion." That also means
the Obama administration has approved more arms sales than any other U.S.
administration since World War II.

AMY GOODMAN: To talk more about these figures, we’re joined now by Bill
Hartung, director of the Arms and Security Project at the Center for
International Policy. His latest book is Prophets of War: Lockheed Martin
and the Making of the Military-Industrial Complex. He recently wrote an
<http://www.lobelog.com/the-obama-arms-bazaar-record-sales-troubling-results
/> article headlined "The Obama Arms Bazaar: Record Sales, Troubling
Results."

Welcome back to Democracy Now!, Bill.

WILLIAM HARTUNG: Thanks for having me.

AMY GOODMAN: Talk about the numbers. Talk about the weapons. Where are they
going?

WILLIAM HARTUNG: Well, I was astonished, in researching the article, that
Obama had sold this much. I mean, I knew there were record deals with the
Saudis, but to outsell the eight years of Bush, to sell more than any
president since World War II, was surprising even to me, who follow these
things quite closely. The majority, 60 percent, have gone to the Persian
Gulf and Middle East, and within that, the Saudis have been the largest
recipient of things like U.S. fighter planes, Apache attack helicopters,
bombs, guns, almost an entire arsenal they’ve purchased just in the last few
years.

AARON MATÉ: What do you think the Iran nuclear deal, if anything, portends
for U.S. sales to the Middle East? President Obama is about to call a
meeting at Camp David with the leaders of all the Gulf nations. Do you see
them exploiting that to call for increased military purchases from the U.S.?

WILLIAM HARTUNG: Unfortunately, yes. I mean, you would think a reduction of
tensions should reduce the arms sales, but the Saudis have been screaming
about the deal, saying, "Well, you’re letting Iran off the hook," which is
not the case, "and therefore you have to bulk up our armaments," which is
kind of insane, given the amounts that have already gone there.

AMY GOODMAN: So how does the Obama administration spending on military
weapons—and is it the Obama administration spending money on military
weapons or just allowing the weapons to be sold to these countries? And how
does it compare to the two terms of the George W. Bush administration?

WILLIAM HARTUNG: Well, primarily, these are sales, because the Saudis and
others in the Gulf can afford them, the exceptions being aid to Egypt and
Israel, which are the biggest recipients of U.S. military aid. Under Bush,
they sold about $30 billion less than the $169 billion of the first five
years of Obama. So already in five years, he’s outsold what Bush did in
eight years.

AMY GOODMAN: And what does this mean for war in the world?

WILLIAM HARTUNG: Well, I think we’re seeing the results now. As they
mentioned in the prior segment, Saudi Arabia is using U.S. weapons to bomb
Yemen. Civilians have been killed. Egypt is not exactly a democratic regime,
as we know. Now they’ve opened sales again to them. They’ve supported
dictators for many years, prior to Obama, which helped, in one hand, spark
the Arab Spring, but also has armed the counterattacks by places like Egypt
and the Saudis, the Saudis going in to crush democracy movement in Bahrain,
along with the government there. So it’s been a force—a negative force for
many years. I think it’s spinning out of control now.

AARON MATÉ: And your piece also points out that it’s not just U.S. arms
going to regimes. When countries go haywire and into chaos, like in Yemen,
Iraq and Syria, U.S. weapons end up in the hands of militants.

WILLIAM HARTUNG: Exactly. We don’t know the full numbers, but in Iraq the
security forces abandoned large amounts of the weaponry to ISIS. U.S.-armed
rebels in Syria, armed by the CIA, went over to join ISIS. There’s $500
million missing of weapons in Yemen. Some think it’s gone to the Houthis.
Some think it’s gone to al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. Of course,
there’s arms on both sides, because the government and the forces have split
in this war. So it’s quite possible every side of that war in Yemen may have
some level of U.S. weaponry. So it’s really gone, you know, haywire. It’s
sort of what I call the boomerang effect, when U.S. arms end up in the hands
of U.S. adversaries.

AMY GOODMAN: I’d like to ask about a recent exchange between Deutsche Bank
analyst Myles Walton and Lockheed Martin chief executive Marillyn Hewson
during an earnings call in January. Financial industry analysts use earnings
calls as an opportunity to ask publicly traded corporations like Lockheed
about issues that might harm profitability. Hewson said that Lockheed was
hoping to increase sales and that both the Middle East and the Asia-Pacific
region were, quote, "growth markets."

MARILLYN HEWSON: Even if there may be some kind of deal done with Iran,
there is volatility all around the region, and each one of these countries
believes they’ve got to protect their citizens, and the things that we can
bring to them help in that regard. So, similarly, you know, that’s the
Middle East, and I know that’s what you asked about, but you could take that
same argument to the Asia-Pacific region, which is another growth area for
us—a lot of volatility, a lot of instability, a lot of things that are
happening both with North Korea as well as some of the tensions between
China and Japan. And so, in both of those regions, which are growth areas
for us, we expect that there’s going to continue to be opportunities for us
to bring our capabilities to them.

AMY GOODMAN: During the phone call, Lockheed CEO Marillyn Hewson, who you
were just listening to, also noted 20 percent of Lockheed’s sales in 2014
were international—that is, to non-American customers. She added, Lockheed
has set a goal to get to 25 percent over the next few years. Can you talk
about the significance of this, Bill Hartung?

WILLIAM HARTUNG: Well, there’s been a slight blip in Pentagon procurement.
It’s still quite high, but the companies need to grow constantly. And so
they’re looking to up foreign sales to make up for any reductions at the
Pentagon. And as we heard in the clip, they’re looking to areas of conflict.
And it’s not surprising, but I’m surprised that she said it so explicitly.
You know, she was asked about the Iran question: Would that depress the
market? She basically said, "Oh, there’s plenty of turbulence there, don’t
worry about it, as there is in East Asia, and these will be our growth
markets." So she’s more or less acknowledging they thrive on war and the
threat of war, which is not surprising to a lot of people, but nonetheless,
to say it like that, I think, is a bit shocking, to just put it right out
there.

AARON MATÉ: I want to ask you about drones. Earlier this year, the White
House announced it will allow foreign allies to purchase U.S.-made armed
drones for the first time. Under a new policy, American firms can sell their
drones abroad but will be subjected to a case-by-case review. Talk about
this policy. You were very critical of it.

WILLIAM HARTUNG: Yes. I mean, it’s got some rhetoric that makes sense: You
can’t use these drones to repress your own population, for illegal
surveillance, to attack your neighbors. But as we’ve seen in other cases,
once they’re sold, very little control over how they’re used. And given the
regimes in the Persian Gulf, they’ve already sold unarmed Predators, or
about to, the UAE. So it’s quite possible we’ll see, in the context of the
war on Yemen, perhaps armed drones sold to some of these countries. And, you
know, it’s fine to say we’re going to control their use, but the record in
Iraq and Yemen and elsewhere makes that quite dubious.

AMY GOODMAN: As we see the Obama administration’s dramatic acceleration of
U.S. weapons sales abroad, can you talk about the U.S. requirements on the
licensing of weapons and weapons-related exports?

WILLIAM HARTUNG: Well, the industry has wanted a relaxation for years, and
the Obama administration finally delivered that. So, they took things from
the State Department, which does a somewhat better job of vetting human
rights and so forth, and took thousands of items and put them in the
Commerce Department, which historically has been involved in promoting arms
sales, not in vetting them. So, it’s going to be easier for some countries
to get arms without a license, and those countries will become hubs of
smuggling, no doubt. So it’s going to be counter to the—even the narrow
security interests of the United States, but it’s something industry has
wanted for quite a while.

AARON MATÉ: On the positive side, the world’s first treaty regulating the
arms trade took effect last year, the Arms Trade Treaty. The U.S. has signed
it. Senate hasn’t ratified it. But you write that that’s still a positive
thing.

WILLIAM HARTUNG: Yes, I think, compared to Bush, which was joined at the hip
with the NRA and wouldn’t go near the Arms Trade Treaty, at least the U.S.
administration signed it, although a somewhat weaker version than some of us
would have liked. It commits them on paper not to sell to human rights
abusers, not to let arms that may be involved in corruption. Obviously,
that’s been violated, in my opinion, in some of the current sales to the
Middle East, but it’s a standard that they should be held to, because they
did sign that treaty.

AMY GOODMAN: So, they sign the treaty, and they accelerate weapons sales
abroad. Would you say the—financing the weapons industry is actually a
motivation for being involved in wars abroad?

WILLIAM HARTUNG: I think it’s one element. I think there’s an ideological
element. I think there’s an element of just U.S. global reach and global
control. But certainly, a reinforcing point is to sell arms and to help
these companies. And it sometimes is made quite explicit. When they sell to
the Saudis, for example, the Pentagon points out it will create x number of
jobs in the United States. So they’re not shy about talking about the jobs
aspect.

AMY GOODMAN: So, weapons industry does better under the Democrats than the
Republicans?

WILLIAM HARTUNG: I would say, at the moment, they’re doing better on the
arms sales front. Slightly—

AMY GOODMAN: And where do their contributions go?

WILLIAM HARTUNG: Well, they tip usually depending who’s in power. So they’re
about two-thirds Republican in the Senate and the House, which are
controlled by Republicans. They’re quite supportive of Obama. There’s such a
flood of money from everywhere, sometimes it’s hard to follow one stream
within that huge flow of money.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, we want to thank you, Bill Hartung, for being with us.
Final question: What are you recommending?

WILLIAM HARTUNG: Well, I think the Obama administration should live up to
its principles on the Arms Trade Treaty. I think Congress should take a
closer look at some of these sales, speak out against them. I think civil
society groups which oppose this should make their voices louder, because in
many cases most Americans don’t even know this is happening.

AMY GOODMAN: Bill Hartung is director of the Arms and Security Project at
the Center for International Policy. His latest book, Prophets of War:
Lockheed Martin and the Making of the Military-Industrial Complex. We’ll
link to his
<http://www.lobelog.com/the-obama-arms-bazaar-record-sales-troubling-results
/> piece, "The Obama Arms Bazaar: Record Sales, Troubling Results."

When we come back, we look at the drought in California. What does it have
to do with animal agriculture? What does it have to do with eating meat?
Stay with us.

 

 

EM

On the 49th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in
anarchy"
                    Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni
katika machafuko" 

 

 

 

 

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