FBI, warned early and often that Manafort file might be fake, used it anyway

By John Solomon, opinion contributor — 06/19/19 10:30

When the final chapter of the Russia collusion caper is written, it is
likely two seminal documents the FBI used to justify investigating
<https://thehill.com/people/donald-trump> Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign will
turn out to be bunk.

And the behavior of FBI agents and federal prosecutors who promoted that
faulty evidence may disturb us more than we now know.

The first, the Christopher Steele
<https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3259984-Trump-Intelligence-Allegati
ons.html> dossier, has received enormous attention. And the more scrutiny it
receives, the more its truthfulness wanes. Its credibility has declined so
much that many now openly question how the FBI
<https://thehill.com/opinion/white-house/420408-comeys-confession-dossier-no
t-verified-before-or-after-fisa-warrant> used it to support a surveillance
warrant against the Trump campaign in October 2016.

At its best, the Steele dossier is an “unverified and salacious” political
research memo funded by Trump’s Democratic rivals. At worst, it may be
Russian disinformation worthy of the “
<https://nypost.com/2017/01/15/bob-woodward-calls-trump-dossier-garbage/>
garbage” label given it by esteemed reporter Bob Woodward.

The second document, known as the “black cash ledger,” remarkably has
escaped the same scrutiny, even though its emergence in Ukraine in the
summer of 2016 forced  <https://thehill.com/people/paul-manafort> Paul
Manafort to resign as Trump's campaign chairman and eventually face U.S.
indictment.

In search warrant affidavits, the FBI portrayed the ledger as one reason it
resurrected a criminal case against Manafort that was dropped in 2014 and
needed search warrants in 2017 for bank records to prove
<https://thehill.com/opinion/white-house/447394-key-figure-that-mueller-repo
rt-linked-to-russia-was-a-state-department> he worked for the Russian-backed
Party of Regions in Ukraine.

There’s just one problem: The FBI’s public reliance on the ledger came
months after the feds were warned repeatedly that the document couldn’t be
trusted and likely was a fake, according to documents and more than a dozen
interviews with knowledgeable sources.

For example, Ukraine’s top anticorruption prosecutor, Nazar Kholodnytsky,
told me he warned the U.S. State Department’s law enforcement liaison and
multiple FBI agents in late summer 2016 that Ukrainian authorities who
recovered the ledger believed it likely was a fraud.

“It was not to be considered a document of Manafort. It was not
authenticated. And at that time it should not be used in any way to bring
accusations against anybody,” Kholodnytsky said, recalling what he told FBI
agents.  

Likewise, Manafort’s Ukrainian business partner Konstantin Kilimnik, a
regular informer for the State Department, told the U.S. government almost
immediately after The New York Times
<https://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/15/us/politics/paul-manafort-ukraine-donald
-trump.html> wrote about the ledger in August 2016 that the document
probably was fake.

Manafort “could not have possibly taken large amounts of cash across three
borders. It was always a different arrangement — payments were in wire
transfers to his companies, which is not a violation,” Kilimnik
<https://www.scribd.com/document/413787915/Kilim-Nik-Aug-222016-Email-Schult
z> wrote in an email to a senior U.S. official on Aug. 22, 2016.

He added: “I have some questions about this black cash stuff, because those
published records do not make sense. The timeframe doesn’t match anything
related to payments made to Manafort. … It does not match my records. All
fees Manafort got were wires, not cash.”

Special counsel  <https://thehill.com/people/robert-mueller> Robert
Mueller’s team and the FBI were given copies of Kilimnik’s warning,
according to three sources familiar with the documents.

Submitting knowingly false or suspect evidence — whether historical or to
support
<https://law.justia.com/constitution/us/amendment-04/08-probable-cause.html>
probable cause — in a federal court proceeding violates FBI rules and can be
a crime under certain circumstances. “To establish probable cause, the
affiant must demonstrate a basis for knowledge and belief that the facts are
true,” the FBI
<https://vault.fbi.gov/FBI%20Domestic%20Investigations%20and%20Operations%20
Guide%20%28DIOG%29/fbi-domestic-investigations-and-operations-guide-diog-201
3-version/FBI%20Domestic%20Investigations%20and%20Operations%20Guide%20%28DI
OG%29%202013%20Version%20Part%2001%20of%2001/view> operating manual states.

But with Manafort, the FBI and Mueller’s office did not cite the actual
ledger — which would require agents to discuss their assessment of the
evidence — and instead cited media reports about it. The feds assisted on
one of those stories as sources.

For example, agents mentioned the ledger in
<https://www.scribd.com/document/413785997/Man-a-Fort-Warrant-July-17> an
affidavit supporting a July 2017 search warrant for Manafort’s house, citing
it as one of the reasons the FBI resurrected the criminal case against
Manafort.

“On August 19, 2016, after public reports regarding connections between
Manafort, Ukraine and Russia — including an alleged ‘black ledger’ of
off-the-book payments from the Party of Regions to Manafort — Manafort left
his post as chairman of the Trump Campaign,” the July 25, 2017, FBI agent’s
affidavit stated.

Three months later, the FBI went further in
<https://www.scribd.com/document/413786081/Oct-2017-FBI-Search-Warrant-Affid
avit-in-Manafort-case> arguing probable cause for a search warrant for
Manafort’s bank records, citing a specific article about the ledger as
evidence Manafort was paid to perform U.S. lobbying work for the Ukrainians.

“The April 12, 2017,
<https://www.apnews.com/20cfc75c82eb4a67b94e624e97207e23> Associated Press
article reported that DMI [Manafort’s company] records showed at least two
payments were made to DMI that correspond to payments in the 'black ledger,'
” an FBI agent
<https://www.scribd.com/document/413786081/Oct-2017-FBI-Search-Warrant-Affid
avit-in-Manafort-case> wrote in a footnote to the affidavit.

There are two glaring problems with that assertion.

First, the agent failed to disclose that both FBI officials and Department
of Justice (DOJ) prosecutor Andrew Weissmann, who later became Mueller’s
deputy,  <https://www.scribd.com/document/413786313/Greenaway-Memo-2> met
with those AP reporters one day before the story was published and assisted
their reporting. 

An  <https://www.scribd.com/document/413786313/Greenaway-Memo-2> FBI record
of the April 11, 2017, meeting declared that the AP reporters "were advised
that they appeared to have a good understanding of Manafort’s business
dealings" in Ukraine.

So, essentially, the FBI cited a leak that the government had facilitated
and then used it to support the black ledger evidence, even though it had
been clearly warned about the document.

Secondly, the FBI was told the ledger claimed to show cash payments to
Manafort when, in fact, agents had been told since 2014 that Manafort
received money only by bank wires, mostly routed through the island of
Cyprus, memos show.

During the 2014 investigation, Manafort and his partner Richard Gates
voluntarily identified for FBI agents tens of millions of dollars they
received from Ukrainian and Russian sources and the shell companies and
banks that wired the money. “Gates stated that the amounts they received
would match the amounts they invoiced for services. Gates added they were
always paid late, and in tranches,” FBI memos I obtained show.

Liberal law professor Alan Dershowitz said FBI affidavits almost never cite
news articles as evidence. “They are supposed to cite the primary evidence
and not secondary evidence,” he said.

“It sounds to me like a fraud on the court, possibly a willful and
deliberate fraud that should have consequences for both the court and the
attorneys’ bar,” he added. 

Former FBI intelligence chief Kevin Brock was less critical. He said
mentioning the ledger in an affidavit for its historical relationship to
Manafort’s firing and the start of the investigation might be defensible,
but any effort to use the ledger to support probable cause would be
“puzzling” since it clearly was not needed to strengthen either affidavit
and only risked tainting the warrant. He said it could raise questions about
why the special counsel believed it necessary to refer to the ledger in the
probable cause narrative.

In the end, the best proof that the FBI knew the black ledger was a sham is
that prosecutors never introduced it to jurors in Manafort’s trial.

Rep.  <https://thehill.com/people/mark-meadows> Mark Meadows a senior
Republican on the House Government Oversight and Reform Committee, told me
Wednesday night he is asking the Justice Department inspector general to
investigate the FBI and prosecutors' handling of the Manafort warrants,
including any media leaks and evidence that the government knew the black
ledger was potentially unreliable or suspect evidence.

The question of whether the Mueller team should have used the ledger in
search warrant affidavits before that is for the courts to decide.

But the public has a substantial interest in questioning whether, more
broadly, the FBI should have sustained a Trump-Russia collusion
investigation for more than two years based on the suspect Steele dossier
and black ledger. 

Understandably, there isn’t much public sympathy for foreign lobbyists such
as Manafort. But the FBI and prosecutors should be required to play by the
rules and use solid evidence when making its cases. 

It does not appear to have been the prevailing practice in the Russia
collusion investigation. And that should trouble us all.

 <https://thehill.com/person/john-solomon> John Solomon is an award-winning
investigative journalist whose work over the years has exposed U.S. and FBI
intelligence failures before the Sept. 11 attacks, federal scientists’
misuse of foster children and veterans in drug experiments, and numerous
cases of political corruption. He serves as an investigative columnist and
executive vice president for video at The Hill. Follow him on Twitter
<https://twitter.com/jsolomonReports> @jsolomonReports.

Editor's note: This article was updated with new information. 

EM         -> { Trump for 2020 }

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