Volume 13, No. 35, 4 September 2014



In this Issue:

*       Let the hypocrisy be exposed: Irvin Jim, a person economical with
the truth <>  
*       The Kurdish struggle for freedom <>  
*       The development of trade unions in South Africa and the challenges
facing workers <>  

 


 

 


Red Alert:

Let the hypocrisy be exposed: Irvin Jim, a person economical with the truth



By Comrade Bonakele Majuba

Late last Friday 29 August 2014 a statement was issued and distributed with
the subject line "Statement by NUMSA General Secretary Irvin Jim on Nkandla
and Public Protector". 

Where has worker control gone? 

Under the principle, a trade union is an organisation of workers, its
statements are not statements of an individual; on the contrary, they
statements of the union on behalf of its individual members and officials,
elected and appointed. The subject line of Mr Jim's statement is indicative
of either an individual or his leadership clique elevating themselves above
the organisation. This is characteristic of liberal elitism. 

Mr Jim alleges that there is "rot, corruption and loss of revolutionary
morality". It is obvious that he is directing this allegation at the ANC and
SACP as part of his campaign to form a new party. As our democratic
revolutionary movement embarks on the second radical phase of our transition
from oppression more and more strange formations are being created with the
declared objective of bringing down the ANC and its Alliance, including
COSATU. Mr Jim behaves like a predator that is trying to feed itself from
the flesh of our Alliance formations ANC, SACP and COSATU, in order to
survive. He will fail; the Alliance will prevail.

Mr Jim boldly asserts that the article by SACP's 2nd Deputy General
Secretary in the recent Umsebenzi Online (28 August 2014) is "claptrap". He
goes on to say it "reinforces the idea, in the public domain, that the PP
(more than White Monopoly Capital) has become enemy number one in blind
defence and loyalty to the misconduct of the RSA President". What real
gibberish by Irvin Jim. The many sections of apartheid conservatives,
liberal and right-wing opportunists, infantile left-wing populists and
demagogues who agree with his hogwash not only in the "public domain" but
also in private against the ANC and its Alliance partners, and against the
President, do not all agree that white monopoly capital is enemy number one.
In fact, many in these categories (and the various media platforms that give
him space) who agree with him do so in defence of white monopoly capital.
This is why they hate our democratic revolutionary movement with passion. 

Mr Jim has obviously realigned. He is actively pursuing the agenda of those
who the idea that our liberation movement as led by the ANC is the number
one enemy of the people. This agenda has failed on May 7th General Election:
based on the advances made under our movement an overwhelming majority of
our people voted for the ANC, but, despite this clear victory, bogus
statistics were invented, and using NUMSA as his new party political
platform in the making Jim congratulated the EFF. 

In sharp contrast to his deliberate distortions about our liberation
Alliance and the enemy, for the SACP private monopoly capital, regardless of
its personified bearers' skin colour, is the strategic opponent and
therefore the fundamental enemy of the struggle for socialism and the people
as a whole. In its statement presented by the 2nd Deputy General Secretary
Comrade Solly Mapaila at the 19th Anniversary Commemoration of the death of
Comrade Joe Slovo (6 January 2014; also See Umsebenzi Online Vol. 13, No. 1,
9 January 2014) not only has the Party correctly observed the anti-Alliance
tendency that seeks to project our liberation movement as the enemy number
one of the people but also clarified the question of the enemy in simple
terms: 

"Some inside our own formations have taken the bait. They have decided to
turn a programme against the enemy into a weapon against our own movement. 
Our movement is not the enemy of the workers. Our democratic developmental
state that we seek to build is not the enemy of workers. The enemy of
workers is the big private capital that exploits them, takes their labour
and pays them peanut wages." 

Let us return back to Mr Jim's primary allegation: "rot, corruption and loss
of revolutionary morality". His very first reason to back it is that:
"Average household size is 3.4, but is roughly 5 for African households".
Who is responsible for this, and is any average household size a problem of
rot, corruption and loss of revolutionary morality by the ANC and SACP as
Jim claims? Our revolution has never sought to expropriate the right of
persons to determine their family size, organisation, and to follow their
culture. On the contrary, we have fought for these and other human rights as
captured in the Bill of Rights in our Constitution. 

Also, it is common cause that since ascending to government in 1994 the
ANC-led government built over 3.3 million houses; transferred over 500 000
rental houses to their occupants; delivered over 30 000 rental housing units
to low and moderate households; and extended electricity to 7 million more
households and potable water to 92% of South Africans compared to 60% in
1994. Is there any other country in the world that has done this within the
short period of time in which our revolution has done it, noting the many
constraints we have experienced in the economic and revenue base? Is there
any government that takes people out of shacks and gives them new houses,
totally for free with the addition of subsidised water and electricity as
our revolution has done since 1994? Does Jim recognise this massive advance
achieved only in the first 20 years of our transition from oppression? If he
does, which is not the case in his statement, why does he not acknowledge
these achievements and in whose interests does he do this or belittle them
and wants to bring down the ANC and the Alliance? 

Jim asks the hysterical question: "Why is there no one in the
ANC/SACP/COSATU alliance willing to openly condemn not just the looting and
corruption by government officials and those corruptly involved in the so
called 'security upgrades'..."? On the contrary, FACT: 

"As the Communist Party we agree that the money spent is too much. We
condemn the variation, and the main thing we are condemning is the
corruption which led to too much money being spent there", said SACP
Statement delivered by 2nd Deputy General Secretary Comrade Solly Mapaila at
the 19th Anniversary Commemoration of the passing of Comrade Joe Slovo.

In its response to the release of the Inter-Ministerial Task Team's
investigative report the Party said:

"...the SACP has consistently expressed concern about the seemingly inflated
prices not only at the construction at Nkandla, but also in ministers' and
other government properties. We therefore welcome the findings confirming
that indeed there was inflation of prices and services and that action will
be taken against the culprits". 

But why is there such as diversity of elements who, ignoring all other
problems and solutions in South Africa, concentrate on the manufacture of
lies and half-truths about Nkandla? As the Party statement presented by
Comrade Solly Mapaila said, there is an idea:

"that the more lies are repeated they end up being believed, instead of the
truth. That's what a German Nazi called Joseph Goebbels believed. He was a
falsehood propagandist, a great liar, who was the right hand man of Adolf
Hitler... it is now abundantly clear that interest is given to giving space to
and therefore telling not only lies but big lies. This is perhaps driven by
some belief, wrong in the extreme, that the bigger the lies promoted, the
better they stand a chance to be believed".

We would hate to call Mr Jim a liar. But without doubt, in addition to
distortions, he is being economical with the truth.

In his statement, Mr Jim makes use of NUMSA to promote an EFF programme and
to attack the ANC-SACP-COSATU Alliance. He further commits the union to
mobilise for the success of that programme. Like the EFF, Jim ignores the
fact that the Public Protector Advocate Thuli Madonsela has submitted her
investigative report on the Nkandla matter to Parliament, and that
Parliament, to which the Public Protector is accountable, is duly processing
the report in terms of the mandate vested upon it by the Constitution. It
did not come as a surprise that immediately after Mr Jim's statement,
Zwelinzima Vavi came out in what was apparently co-ordinated support. Vavi
is widely reported in the media as Jim's closest collaborator. We all know
that on matters affecting Vavi, Jim has correctly insisted that all due
process must be followed to the letter and be exhausted. It seems that in
his eyes, President Zuma should not be treated with the same respect, even
in matters, which, according to the Public Protector, he was not involved.

Let the hypocrisy be exposed. Has Mr Jim called for his commander-in-chief
Julius Malema to pay back the money and be prosecuted? 

Just imagine how much in illicit income did Malema misappropriate and
squander for him to owe the Receiver of Revenue R16 million in tax payers'
money? 

In her investigative report titled 'On the Point of Tenders', this is what
the Public Protector had to say with respect to what is actually a "rot,
corruption and loss of revolutionary morality" exhibited by Mr Jim's
commander-in-chief through his Ratanang Family Trust, his 50% stake in
Guilder Investment and his connection with Gwangwa Family Trust:

"The evidence of Mr Gwangwa in respect of how and by whom it was decided
that On-Point should pay (monthly) dividends to the Ratanang Family Trust
and make payments to the Gwangwa Family Trust (via Guilder Investments)
furthermore supported the allegation that the Trusts were probably used as
vehicles for the transfer of funds obtained through an unlawful process.

As the main source of income of On-Point during this period was the payments
made to it by the Department in terms of the agreement and On-Point owed its
existence as a profit making establishment that could declare regular
dividends thereto, the Ratanang Family Trust as one of two shareholders of
Guilder Investments (as the holding company), accordingly benefitted
improperly from the unlawful, fraudulent and corrupt conduct of On-Point and
maladministration of the Department.

Notice how the Public Protector had to highlight the last paragraph in bold!


Comrade Bonakele Majuba is SACP Mpumalanga Provincial Secretary 


 


The Kurdish struggle for freedom


By Comrade Solly Mapaila 

"Freedom for Öcalan brings huge prospects for peace in the midst of
imperialist war and its subsequent social chaos in the Middle East, probably
the most concentrated terrain of imperialist aggression and hostilities at
the moment", writes Comrade Solly Mapaila, SACP 2nd Deputy General
Secretary.

This piece is inspired by the recent visit of Kurdish revolutionaries to our
shores. We shared experiences and recent information about the already
worsening developments in the Middle East. Because the Kurdish question does
not receive enough media attention on the continent and particularly here at
home, I decided to dedicate this piece to the Kurdish people. I hope that
many South Africans and our democratic government will also relate to these
important developments. However, this not in a mechanical statehood
approach. The Kurdish people have long past that stage. Comrade Öcalan is
now talking of a confederal system based on self-rule in their areas that
are spread in the four states governing them.

I have interacted with Comrade Roj, who has been dispatched by the broader
Kurdish progressive movement to set up information service centre and
office. We welcome him with open hands. We open our revolutionary embrace.
We hope that all of South Africans including our government will not
equivocate to business lobbies which only represent their class interests
and not the people's. 

For a while now, the sadly hegemonic and yet atrocious
capitalist-imperialist system is in a deep crisis. This has resulted in
chaotic situations almost everywhere around the world but with massive
concentration mainly in the Middle East and surrounds. There should be a
reason for this. The U.S and its allies are trying to overcome the systemic
crisis by deepening the exploitation of, but not exclusively, the Middle
East. For decades now the U.S has been trying to impose deepen the
exploitation with more intense since the end of WWII including through the
creation of the state of Israeli. 

Israel has also been created also for Jewish repatriation after the
unspeakable brutality of the genocide inflicted by the inhumane Nazi Germany
under Adolf Hitler, and his Fascist friend Mussolini of Italy. Every power
that wanted to be a world power looked at placing the Middle East under its
hegemony. This was true for Hitler as is for the U.S. The U.S and its
allies, in order to strike a balance with the Soviet Union, created the
Green Belt in the Middle East to support the development of backwardness in
the name of Islam. This includes training the fighters like the "holy
warrior" Islamist Osama Bin Laden. The aim was to prevent the struggle for
socialism from penetrating into the region. In contrast, in the west most
democratic welfare states were created in Scandinavia, this a different
tactic to block the "threat" of socialism in that region. We are still
suffering the drawbacks of these and similar policies of the world powers.
It is no secret that this is the name of the game.

When you are fighting a certain "enemy", it is believed, you should create
internal divisions to weaken that "enemy". This gives the oppressors
"legitimate" power to become harsher than ever, or even to become "heroes"
of the moment. If we go and have a look at the pretexts under the recent
attacks in the Middle East or elsewhere we shall see that this is the case.
The U.S invaded Iraq and Afghanistan under this pretext. But we all know
that Al Qaida was established by the U.S in line with the Green Belt
scenario and that Saddam Hussein was backed by all efforts, means and manner
possible by the U.S and the West as is Israel. Israel bombed Gaza "due to
Hamas". But was it not Israel that nurtured Hamas against the Palestinian
Liberation Organisation? Who, if not Israel, the U.S and its allies, have
created divisions amongst the Palestinian people in order to create a decoy
for less effective challenge against the U.S-Israeli backed military (U.S's
support to Israeli military capacity is than most African countries' GDP)?

It is thus important for the revolutionary forces not to be confused. We
must keep a step ahead of the game. We must understand what is being planned
and not fall into the trap. Recently we also saw the desire to re-design the
Middle East under the pretext of the Arab Spring. It is true that the people
did rise. They demanded a more democratic life. But because there was no
revolutionary organisation to take this forward, imperialism stole a ride to
re-shape and get rid of some of the regimes that have been giving them
problems. Tunisia, Libya and Egypt are examples. The imperialists tried to
do the same thing with Syria but failed. The overall re-design of the Middle
East has not been successful. This is the reason why they are now making
fresh attempts with the "Islamic State" (ISIS) fully supported militarily by
the U.S with the Secretary of State Robert Gates been on record to helping
them fight Assad.

The turmoil in Syria was not allowed to face the same end as the other
countries due to the approach of the Kurdish freedom movement led by jailed
revolutionary Abdullah Öcalan, leader of the Workers Party of Kurdistan
(PKK, which the West has listed as "terrorist') who has become the
undisputed leader of almost 50 million stateless Kurdish people in Syria,
Turkey, Iraq and Iran. Despite the pressure exerted from all angles Kurds in
the Syrian part of Kurdistan declared that they will only defend themselves
and the people of the region.

They want all of their rights recognised collectively and individually. With
this affirmation they have established three cantons with all peoples taking
part in the self-rule (of the cantons). It is a multi-cultural,
multi-belief, multi religious system with a lot of emphasis and organisation
for the freedom of women and the youth. Thus the imperialist plans for Syria
were not successful since the Kurds did not join in turning Syria into a
play-ground of these reactionary forces led by the U.S and executed by ISIS
on the ground. It is also important to reflect that Syria is one of the most
multi-religious country in the world if not at the leading edge.

All of a sudden the world woke up to the rise of ISIS in Syria almost out of
nowhere. One comrade from Kurdistan says actually out of everywhere but
Syria. It is widely known that ISIS has been directly funded by Saudi Arabia
and Qatar, given logistical support by Turkey, including fighters entering
the region via Turkish airports or treatment of the wounded in Turkish
hospitals, or having training camps in Turkey, just to name a few.

When we consider the close relation between the U.S and Qatar and Saudi
Arabia and the West recently selling the most technically advanced weapons
to Saudi Arabia and Qatar we can see that ISIS did not just grow in its own
ability. Indeed if we look deeply and analyse the fact that ISIS's main
target is not really focusing its attack on any state power but more on the
peoples of the region, maybe we can get the glimpse of what they are trying
to do. The people have been intimidated with absolute genocide to give up on
the ISIS's demands or join them.

Ever since its activity in Syria, for the past two years ISIS has been
fighting almost only with the Kurdish autonomous regions established there,
yet we did not hear much of this over the news. Interestingly the Kurdish
people here are not non-Muslims or non-Sunnis who should be converted. So
what was the fight there for the past two years then? And why did not anyone
wish to stop it? Exactly the same atrocities were committed by ISIS during
these attacks and the Kurdish freedom fighters YPG (Peoples Protection Units
like our Self-Defence Units - SDUs) and YPJ (Women's Protection Units) which
are the general and women's army) along with Assyrians and Arabs who have
joined them to establish a peoples' rule there have been holding them off
gallantly.

It is interesting that despite all the advanced technology and drone systems
the world powers did not see an attack on Mosul coming while the PKK
(Kurdistan Workers Party) did. All these seem to serve the Western initiated
much-talked about plan of dividing Iraq into three: Sunni, Shia and Kurdish.
In the midst of all this, unfortunately ethnic cleansing in all fronts
sponsored by imperialist forces continue. Why would the Western world powers
planning and funding these atrocities and grand plan care about the few
hundred thousand left Ezidi Kurds, or even less Assyrian Christians or
Turkmen Shias? The Western powers which have lost their humanity are content
these people can be sacrificed for their Middle East grand plan. But for now
they are manoeuvring the betrayal by the ISIS group which has even started
killing journalists covering their evil deeds.

The YPG and YPJ as well as HPG (People's Defence Forces) and YJA-Star (Union
of Free Women) forces thought otherwise. There is no greater good that these
people can be sacrificed for, but when their plan was activated into an
atrocious killing machine attacking the YPG and YPJ reaching the Sinjar
region from the Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava) and HPG and YJA-Star reaching them
from the other end of South Kurdistan. Kurdish Peshmerga complained they did
not have enough weapons against ISIS. The guerrillas had much less than the
Peshmergas. They only had AK47, commonly called Kalashnikovs in the region,
well-known in our revolutionary ranks as the liberation machine gun.

By the time they had reached the region there was genocide but ISIS was
stopped from complete ethnic and religious or belief cleansing of the region
by forces who sacrificed their being for humanity, the PKK at the frontline
and all their varied allied revolutionary forces. These forces opened a safe
passage by holding off ISIS so that the people from Mount Sinjar area can
make the crossing into Syrian Kurdistan. Freedom fighters evacuated more
than 200 thousand people on their own - without help from any single Western
power. This action alone deserves more than the Noble Peace Award (despite
my non-belief in it) but a worldwide acclaim for selflessness. It ranks
amongst the greatest conscious human action to safe humanity from barbarism
since the end of the WWII.

Meanwhile, the worst atrocities were those against women both in Syrian
Kurdistan and in Iraqi Kurdistan. ISIS is a force that is establishing a
state of the strong and male-domination. The question of women's freedom
which has been forced into a bad position has gone worst. As ISIS moves in
they declare that the women's place is the home. They have used sexual
violence as a strategic tool of war. Hundreds if not thousands of captured
women are seen as pillage of war and are being sold as sex slaves in
"markets". Alternatively they are told to convert and then are married to
jihadists purely for sexual gratification.

Such behaviour cannot be tolerated. This is why the Kurdish freedom fighters
- men and women - are also training women units alongside the Ezidi Kurds,
Assyrian Christians and Turkmen Shias so that all the locals are able to
protect themselves against this barbarism.

The next point of attack was Makhmur. The camps which housed more than 12
000 Kurdish people who ran from Turkish state terror back in 1993 after
their villages were bombarded and destroyed by heavy artillery fire against
civilians. There was no recourse by the International community including
the U.S dominated and cajoled UN Security Council. In the town which is home
mostly to Arabs, again the Kurdish Peshmerga (Kurdish regional government
forces) left their posts and the guerrillas came into rescue of the people
and to stop ISIS from capturing the capital of the Kurdish regional
government, Erbil.

Indeed the Kurdish freedom fighters did not only save the Kurdish peoples'
honour but that of humanity by sacrificing themselves. Once again a
commendable act of humanism by the revolutionary forces, not collaborators
who stand aside when atrocities are committed in their own countries by
their own government and still fail to act.

Indeed the Kurdish freedom movement is trying to do something different in
the face of what the people of the Middles East consider to have long
started the third world war that is being played out in their region in the
name of proxy religious superiority, various forms of domination and defence
against decline of "religious" rule.

They are pulling the mask of this warfare and showing us all that this is
only another version of the same old story played as a game of killing
against people. What we can tell the West, their complicit collaborators and
the fundamentalist who are carrying out a war not of their own is that
indeed the desire to create religious and ethnic wars will not and cannot be
successful in the 21st century that we have entered into. They will be
defeated. In Africa, Rwanda has taught us and our comrades in the Middle
East have garnered enough war experience. They will not surely fall for
these Western created wars. In particular the PKK shows that they certainly
will not fall for this. They have been one of the most provoked. They could
of course alternatively act with the target of establishing their own
nation-state no matter what befalls the others. But Abdullah Öcalan has
understood so well the game played and how people and religions later are
positioned against one another and the conflict continued one way or
another.

This chaotic situation in the Middle East is open ended. The super powers do
not hold all the ropes in their hands. The struggle and the resistance, as
well as the future vision of the revolutionary forces shall determine the
results. Kurds, over 40 million people partitioned between Iran, Iraq, Syria
and Turkey have been through genocides - cultural and physical - and have
suffered a total denial of their existence regionally and world-wide sealed
through international agreements. Their leader, Abdullah Öcalan - just like
our leader Madiba was - is in an island prison guarded by over 1 000 Turkish
soldiers for almost fifteen years alone with limited visitations. He has now
been joined by few other comrades, and is trying to negotiate an amicable
solution that will benefit all peoples. These efforts must be supported by
all freedom loving people all over the world. We however understand that
September 2014 may be a make or break for the negotiations.

Both Öcalan and Turkish state officials have talked favourably about talks
turning into negotiations this month. This alone will determine how the
grand plan of the Western powers is played out and how their war programme
will be decided and effectively change in the Middle East. There are
possible tectonic changes in the region with these talks.

If Turkey chooses not to make peace with the Kurds this may place it in an
untenable situation with prolonged instability. It will also affect its
intentions to be the capitalist mecca of the East and the bulwark of
European and U.S's interests in the region. We hope that its recent
intentions to purchase top of the range U.S produced fighter planes would
not deter them from completing this course of peaceful solution on the
Kurdish question and thus impact hugely on solving the Middle East crisis.

As alluded earlier, the Kurdish freedom fighters led by Abdullah Öcalan are
now protecting people from different ethnicities and beliefs not only in
Kurdish part in Syria, but also in Iraq and Turkey. Kurdish people deserve
to have all of their rights restored and to live in freedom.

The Kurdish freedom fighters are now covering a vast area protecting people
from the war debris and atrocities of ISIS. Öcalan seems adamant however not
to fall into capitalist traps. The Kurds and other people were sacrificed
while nation-states were formed in the Middle East during the WWI. Öcalan
and the Kurdish freedom movement will not allow for anyone to be sacrificed.
Instead are determined to struggle for the vision of people's democracy and
self-rule within a confederal system recognising all Kurdish people and
their rights in the four states and those in the diaspora.

Kurdish freedom movement has stated that they cannot fight alone against
this threat. They have called on anyone who declares that they are against
them to come and join them. They have declared their readiness to work in a
common front. And it looks like this is done with the Kurdish regional
government's Peshmerga forces already.

One would encourage such keenness and also call for international
participation, including volunteers mainly from the African continent who
have not shown much enthusiasm in this regard.

To our comrades in Confederal Kurdistan: may you not tire to fight for your
universal basic freedoms and rights including reclaiming your rights by any
means possible to your denied language, identity and dignity.

Long live the Kurdish struggle!
Freedom for the Kurds everywhere!
Freedom for Öcalan from Turkish jail!

Comrade Solly Mapaila is SACP 2nd Deputy General Secretary.


 


The development of trade unions in South Africa and the challenges facing
workers


By Comrade Xola Phakathi

The rise of industrial economy in SA and trade unionism 

The discovery of mineral resources, diamond in 1867 in Kimberley and gold in
1884-1886 in Johannesburg heralded the beginning of the Industrial economy
in South Africa. Under the monopoly control of De Beers Consolidated Mines
in Kimberley the host of Small Claimholders who participated in the "rush"
were squeezed out.  De Beers produced 90% percent of the world's supply of
diamonds. By the end of the 19th century they had netted their owners no
less than 700 million Pounds in gross returns.

Africans provided cheap labour to the booming mining economy, while the
mining houses sourced their skilled labour from Britain and other parts of
Europe. Imbued with the spirit of European craft unionism, colour and
national prejudice, the miners and other white workers fought courageously
against the mining millionaires, but together with their government showed
no sympathy with their exploited and oppressed African counterparts. 

These struggles by white mineworkers came to a head in May 1913 when 68
thousand Rand miners downed tools demanding trade union recognition, and an
8 hour day. General Smuts who was the Minister of Defence at the time
declared a martial law to suppress the strike, killing a number of workers
in street clashes; nine union leaders were arrested and illegally deported
to England.

The formation of working class political parties

The development of trade unions was accompanied as in other capitalist
countries by the formation of working class political parties with more or
less clearly defined socialist objectives.

In 1902 a branch of the British Social Democratic Federation was established
in the Cape, and a similar group was formed in Johannesburg in the same
year; all these were branches of British Bodies.

The first nationally based African workers organisation, the Industrial and
Commercial Workers Union (ICU) was formed in January 1919. Its initial base
was amongst Cape Town dock workers, under the leadership of Clements Kadalie
who was an immigrant from Malawi. The ICU extended its influence to all four
provinces by the mid 1920's. In the late 1920s the base shifted to Natal and
by the 1930s it had virtually collapsed into localised and weak factions.
Despite its weakness the ICU was instrumental in founding a tradition of
Black workers militancy. One of the victories of the ICU was a successful
court challenge against a Durban Municipality by-law ordering all Africans
to be dipped in disinfectant tanks along with their belongings before
entering the City.

The lack of political clarity by Kadalie led to him purging all Communists
in the ICU. Capable organisers such as James La Guma, Edward Khaile, J.B
Marks and many others holding key positions in the ICU, were purged. Kadalie
then turned his attention to White, liberal organisations with
mother-country connections back in Britain for assistance. This was the
beginning of the end of the ICU.

The rapid disintegration of the ICU created the conditions for re-assessment
of strategy and tactics in building the trade union movement amongst the
African workers. Aside from the continuity of individual organisers there
was a qualitative break between the ICU structures of general unionism of
the 1920's and the new unions that were to emerge in the 1930's. The major
distinguishing feature was organising along industrial lines. Only in this
way could workers directly challenge employers as the cause of their
exploitation and could their organisation reflect the overall changes in the
political economy associated with industrialisation.

Communists built the progressive trade union movement

By the late 1930's the African trade unions, most of them formed by members
of the Communist Party, initiated a process of forming a trade union
federation. These efforts coincided with the political education classes run
by the Communist Party in its drive to bring Africans into the party and
reverse the old pattern of White domination and often white prejudice. Among
those recruits were Africans who later played leading roles in the trade
union and liberation movements, Johannes Nkosi, Gana Makabeni and Moses
Kotane.

Although the Party line had called for non-racial trade unions as the ideal,
the reality was that Black workers first needed to solidify their collective
strength against, not only capital, but also white workers who were firmly
committed to the industrial colour-bar. It was against this background that
Gana Makabeni insisted that Whites should not fill office in any affiliated
unions as he pointed out in 1939: "must we have European leaders even in our
association?" Nonetheless in 1941 the Council of Non-European trade unions
"CNETU" was formed and led the African workers struggle throughout the
1940s.

The inaugural meeting was presided over by Mose Kotane, Gana Makabeni was
elected President, Dan Tloome Vice President, David Gosani Secretary and
James Phillips Trustee. At this time the African trade unions were strong
and confident enough to pursue a serious campaign for non-racial working
class unity.

The ascendance to Power by the Nationalist Party in 1948, and its failure to
control the White labour force, led to the break-up of White Union. The
National Party used the Suppression of Communism Act of 1950 to get rid of
what they termed foreign agitators who previously had the relative
protection of the state.

The CNETU campaign for a National minimum wage of 40s or 2 pounds a week for
all unskilled workers, but the increases allowed were in most cases held to
25s to 27s per week in Transvaal industries.

In 1946 African Mineworkers strike was a watershed in the struggle of the
people against class exploitation and oppression.

The largest strike in South Africa (in terms of participants) and led by
migrant workers, those who are at the base of cheap labour system under the
able leadership of J.B. Marks.

Although CNETU concentrated on organising black workers, in October 1954 a
group of progressive unionists threw their efforts into building non-racial
trade unionism in South Africa. This led to the formation of SACTU in March
1955, bringing together unions that were affiliated to White Trades and
Labour Council (T&LC) and CNETU unions; 66 delegates from 33 unions
converged at Trades Hall in Johannesburg on the founding conference of SACTU
o the 5th - 6th March 1955.

At its founding conference, SACTU declared that: 

"the future of the people of South Africa is in the hands of its workers.
Only the working class, in alliance with progressive minded sections of the
community can build a happy life for all South Africans, a life free from
unemployment, insecurity and poverty, free from racial hatred and
oppression, a life of vast opportunities for all people.

But the working class can only succeed in this great and noble endeavour if
it is united and strong, if it is conscious of its inspiring responsibility.
The workers of South Africa need a united trade union movement in which all
sections of the working class can play their part unhindered by prejudice of
racial discrimination. Only such a truly united movement can serve
effectively the interests of higher wages and better conditions of life and
work as well as the ultimate objective of complete emancipation for which
our forefathers have fought. 

We firmly declare that the interests of all workers are alike, whether they
be European or Non-European, African, Coloured, Indians, English, Afrikaans,
of Jewish. We resolve that this co-ordinating body of trade unions shall
strive to unite all workers in its ranks, without discrimination and without
prejudice.

We resolve that this body shall determinedly seek to further and protect the
interests of all workers and that its guiding motto shall be the universal
slogan of working class solidarity AN INJURY TO ONE IS AN INJURY TO ALL".

SACTU lived by this declaration throughout its existence, while in May 1955
CNETU officially dissolved. The leadership of SACTU was drawn from all
racial groups and across gender lines.

Comrades would recall that during this period, the Nationalist Party was
consolidating Afrikaner Nationalism, and institutionalising apartheid and
racial segregation. The Communist Party was its first victim, banned under
the Suppression of Communism Act of 1950.

Alliance with the congress movement and apartheid clampdown 

True to its declaration, SACTU firmly allied itself with the Congress
Alliance during its existence. This led to the banning of SACTU leaders,
harassment, arrests and house arrests because its leaders were also leaders
of the ANC.

In 1956, the apartheid state clamped down on almost the entire leadership of
the Congress Movement, in what was to be known as the 1956 Treason trial;
which ended in 1961.

The blanket bans proclamation came into effect on 1 February 1963. The
entire leadership of SACTU was banned, and as such forced to leave the
country to operate outside, mobilising international solidarity and building
blocks towards a new Trade Union Federation.                             

The release of some comrades from Robben Island in the early 70s led to the
revival of political activity and the underground structures of the broad
movement including the Trade Union Movement. This contributed to the Durban
strikes of 1973.

The strikes led to the formation of Industrial Trade Unions with the
assistance of some SACTU activists who have been lying low since the 1960's.


The National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) established a wages
commission where students such as Halton Cheadle, Alec Irwin, John Copelyn,
Gordon Young and others operated. The process of forming the unions was
painstakingly slow and incremental. This changed only on 1 May 1979 when the
first report of the Wiehan Commission was released. It recommended the
recognition of the right of African Workers to form and belong to trade
unions.

The report noted that the unions were growing, and that by leaving them
outside the official system they would escape control. Indeed this right to
organise was to be controlled through the process of registration, and as
such contract, and foreign workers should not be organised, foreign in the
context of (TBVC States).

The consumer boycotts and Ford workers' strike in 1979 signalled the
emergence of new breed of unionism which also rejected registration, arguing
that it involved collaboration with State structures. SACTU backed this
position. These unions emerged in different forms, with the most notable
being SAAWU in East London. 

In Port Elizabeth the United Auto Workers (UAW) dissidents at Ford formed
Motor Assemblers and Component Workers Union of South Africa MACWUSA led by
Thozamile Botha, and the Black Municipal Workers Union led by Joe Mavi.
These were called Community unions and formed the core of township civic
organisation. They aligned more openly with the ANC political perspectives
and later affiliated to the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983.

The formation of COSATU

A number of re-alignment took place in the post Wiehahn years. Co-operation
with SACTU in exile led to the unity talks which started in 1981 and
culminated to the formation of COSATU in Durban in 1985.

In August 1981, 100 representatives from 29 Unions met at Langa Cape Town.
The Summit chaired by SAAWU's Thozamile Gqwetha succeeded in placing unity
in the agenda. Few months later one of the participants Dr Neil Agett died
in police custody, at John Vorster square while in detention. The unity
talks led to the launching Congress of COSATU on the 30th November 1985, at
the University of Natal, 760 delegates, from 33 unions representing 460 000
organised workers. Cyril Ramaphosa had been chosen earlier as the convenor
of the launching congress.

Cyril Ramaphosa opened the Congress with a short address: "The formation of
this Congress represents an enormous victory for the working class in this
country. Never before have workers been so powerful, so united and so poised
to make a mark on society. We all agree that the struggle of workers on the
shop floor cannot be separated from wider political struggle for liberation
in this country".

COSATU adopted the following principles:

1.      Workers control 
2.      Paid up membership 
3.      One union one industry 
4.      Non-racialism 

The political complexion of the new federation was left for another day.
However, it was clear that the Federation was to associate itself with
Congress movement politics, as well as Barayi's announcements as he took the
podium as a newly elected President.

Contending ideologies and political orientation  

The different organisational cultures, and complex ideological strands
nearly collapsed the Federation. The emergence of Workerists and Charterists
as they were called due to the adoption of the Freedom Charter, was a
contradiction that produced a forward movement.

The workerist block claimed that the workers can on their own pursue the
struggle for socialism outside the broader progressive alliance. On the
other hand, it was argued that there can be no fundamental pursuance of a
socialist order until the resolution of the national question and therefore
COSATU should form alliances with progressive organisations. The latter won
the day and this ideological strand remains to this day.

Over the years, COSATU grew both numerically and politically. In the post
1994 era, the membership of COSATU grew rapidly from 460 000 numbers in 1985
to 2 million in 1995. This numerical strength does not necessarily translate
to ideological strength.

The 1994 democratic breakthrough saw a sizable number of unionist occupying
key positions in the State, resulting in the leadership turnover in the
unions. 

The key question is whether the founding principles of the trade union
movement are of essence to today's unionists, the culture of mandated
reflections, and report back, participation of members in the daily life of
a trade union in the context of workers control, and so forth.

Deadly threat facing the trade union movement

The most deadly threat facing the trade union movement today is money which
flows in a variety of veins. Proximity to union investment is what inspires
some to contest leadership positions for the sole control of the money.
There are many service providers who have taken charge of different areas in
worker life and between trade unions and employers. 

Inability to grasp the historical relations of the Congress Movement and the
appreciation of the roles of each ally, to the extent that employer-employee
relations are allowed to encroach into the political space where the
alliance is perceived to be a bargaining council.

The resuscitation of workerist tendencies, and the absence of appreciation
of the prevailing material conditions and balance of forces. The complexion
of the employer has also changed, and as such there is an expectation that
black employers would be sensitive in treating black workers.

Unemployment, Poverty, Inequality is what confronts society today, which
then suggests new policy instruments to address this triple challenge. These
cannot be resolved immediately, and they remain a fertile ground for
demagogues.

Comrade Xola Phakathi is former COSATU Eastern Cape Provincial Secretary

 

 

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