Umsebenzi Online, Volume 14, No. 12, 2 April 2015
In this Issue:
* The US economic blockade on Cuba and its implications to
alternatives and the necessity of socialism
* A leader who got attracted to a beautiful woman at the airport at
his own behest blames everyone except himself
Red Alert:
The US economic blockade on Cuba and its implications to alternatives and
the necessity of socialism
By Alex Mashilo
Far reaching implications.
In January I visited Cuba for training. I was surprised when I discovered
that, despite a number of enabling bilateral trade and investment agreements
signed between South Africa and Cuba, there are South African companies
which do not invest in Cuba or trade with the island. This out the fear of
victimisation by the United States (US). Exclusion from business in Global
Production Networks (GPNs) controlled by US-based multinational corporations
(MNCs); from the US financial system and capital markets; imposition of
fines on the “violation” of the terms of US economic blockade on Cuba; but
as well as imperialist political pressure, are part of the levers used by
the US to that end.
There are many implications from all of this. But two points are worth
highlighting, at least for now.
Firstly, world production and trade increasingly take place in GPNs, which
have therefore become a key centre of power and international power
relations.
For example the US’s position as the world’s largest economy, regardless of
the fact that it is also a very sick economy given its massive debt level
which surpasses that of any country on earth, means that it has control over
many GPNs through its MNCs. The negative impact this can cause is huge, at
least in three contexts.
The import of Cuban products and services and by extension of products
containing Cuban raw materials is prohibited or restricted in the US. Cuba
is prohibited to purchase products with more than 10% of US made components
in other countries other than the US. Therefore any company which has
interests in participating in GPNs involving US MNCs is either directly or
indirectly sanctioned from trading with Cuba. This in the context where the
US blockade on Cuba is not an act of a single piece of legislation or
regulation but a complex of draconian despotism we will sketch in due
course.
The second point relates to fines. “The most recent evidence of this fact is
the 1.7 billion dollar fine levied on Germany’s Commerzbank, March 12 – the
second largest fine ever imposed by the United States – for violating
sanctions on Cuba, Iran, Sudan and Myanmar” (Granma, 25 March 2015).
Companies from other countries are perhaps in a worse position than South
Africa’s, depending on the external positions of their economies, including
the extent of US investment, trade, financial transactions, “aid” or
“grants”, and political pressure,.
By and large the US economic blockade on Cuba has actually been expanded
through its extraterritorial aspects – that is imperialist content – to
become world sanctions than just a blockade by one country only. It might
therefore be possible that among the countries that support the Cuban motion
through a vote at the United Nations General Assembly annually for the US to
lift its blockade on Cuba, there are those which could be more concerned
about the integrity of their national sovereignty violated by the US than
solidarity with Cuba. In addition, the blockade might be a barrier to
various national interests including trade with Cuba based on its strategic
advantages.
However, on the other hand there are countries which have transcended the
barriers of the blockade, and therefore which have an emancipated foreign
policy and bilateral relations with Cuba. These are the countries which have
increasing trade and investment relations with Cuba. The latest state of the
art technology and related services now available in Cuba is a direct result
of these relations. But this has been enabled by advances in the development
of the forces of production and production development by those countries.
Production development, a strategic lever of power!
In that regard, both production process and product research and development
independently of US involvement would have played, and will most likely
continue to play, a major role.
The development of productive forces is therefore a key policy instrument
not only to address national concerns such as reducing unemployment, poverty
and social inequality, but also for the advancement international
solidarity.
This transcends the traditional understanding of the forms of power,
important as they are, such as pickets, marches and petitions for example.
The development of productive forces as power is also important for building
a resource base to support the advancement of national democratic and
socialist revolutions.
Mineral and petroleum resources matter.
The other countries which have strong trade relations with Cuba are those
endowed with mineral and petroleum resources, such as oil. These countries,
such as Venezuela, which is facing an imperialist isolation from the US but
also political destabilisation aided in part by external machination, are
clearly resolved in the pursuit of a counter-hegemonic international
programme to imperialism to develop a new world order.
The global South of the Western Hemisphere, comprising of a large part of
South America and the Caribbean, has also played a critical role through
advancing regional integration. The alternative development and financial
institutions and trade relations created under this counter-hegemonic
project have been, and remain, very important.
Cuba not only has some of the important raw materials itself, but has
succeeded in developing advanced productive forces in terms of education,
health and organic agriculture and farming, for instance. Some of these form
part of the key aspects of solidarity trade with its partners.
Regional integration, very important too.
It is in part because of increasing regional integration in the South of the
Western Hemisphere that the US has had to rethink its policy on Cuba. This
notwithstanding that the new approach the US has adopted is more of a
tactical manoeuvre to achieve its unchanged goal of regime change in Cuba
rather than an act of good faith.
In his speech in December 2015 announcing the release of the remaining three
of the Cuban Five and negotiations with Cuba to “normalise” bilateral
relations, US President Barack Obama said the US was this year April
“prepared to have Cuba join the other nations of the hemisphere at the
Summit of the Americas”. In addition, despite the extraterritorial impact of
the US blockade, Obama went on, expressing disappointment, to say that “no
other nation joins us (meaning the US) in imposing these sanctions
(referring to the US blockade on Cuba), and it has had little effect…”[i]
That the US is this year April “prepared to have Cuba join the other nations
of the hemisphere at the Summit of the Americas” did not come from the US
being self-propelled and becoming, as such, “prepared” on its own. In
addition to “no other nation” joining it “in imposing these sanctions” and
their “little effect” in delivering regime change, which is what along with
other complementary measures they were designed to achieve originally an
throughout the various phases of their development, US’s “preparedness” “to
have Cuba join the other nations of the hemisphere at the Summit of the
Americas” came from pressure from the increasing number of countries in the
South of the Western Hemisphere exercising solidarity with Cuba. These
countries made it clear that they will no longer go ahead with that summit
excluding Cuba.
Regional integration is therefore important not only in defining
alternatives and new terms of economic, trade and investment relations but
also in forging a new politics of solidarity and building an international
counter-hegemonic programme in the struggle to achieve a new and fair world
order.
It is important to note that while the US has adopted a programme to restore
bilateral relations with Cuba, it is on the other hand contradictorily
involved in the right-wing destabilisation of South America. Its recent
declaration of Venezuela as the so-called “threat” to “US foreign policy”
only openly highlighted the constant US’s destabilising role in South
America. This aimed at disrupting the process of regional integration,
altering the balance of forces and imposing the terms of US imperialism. It
would be naïve to suggest that this agenda excludes the destruction of the
construction of socialism in Cuba.
Likewise, alternatives such as BRICS are not immune from such
destabilisation machinations. A glance on US foreign policy on Russia, and a
bird’s eye look on domestic political intercourses in their international
aspect in Brazil, South Africa, India, and Southeast Asia, which affects
China, could actually reveal a lot more from a deeper analysis of the forces
at play. Especially in the period following the BRICS announcement for the
establishment of the New Development Bank (i.e. the BRICS Bank) imperialist
aggression has been heightened against the BRICS countries.
Alex Mashilo is SACP Spokesperson. This is an edited version of his
speaker’s notes as both a full time professional revolutionary and student
as presented at the Futures Commission coordinated by the Chris Hani
Institute, 27 March 2015, Cape Town. This presentation was invited to look
at the implications to alternatives of the US economic blockade on Cuba.
A leader who got attracted to a beautiful woman at the airport at his own
behest blames everyone except himself
By Justice Piitso
Our message to the South African working class is one! You are the heirs and
therefore the lifeblood of our revolution. When our revolution is under
siege our task is to swell the ranks and defend it.
A leader gets attracted to a beautiful woman at the airport at his own
behest; flaunted procedures to employ the woman at COSATU head office at his
own behest; indulge in a sexual intercourse with the woman at the same
office during working hours at his own behest; apologises to COSATU and the
nation at his own behest; compels COSATU to accept his apology
unconditionally at his own behest; and then blames the leadership of COSATU
for the conspiracy of his immoral acts.
It is unprecedented that a leader of his calibre can turn around and
attribute his personal mistakes to the leadership of COSATU and our party. I
wonder how such an outstanding leader can go all out on rampage accusing our
leadership of conspiracy to his scandalous acts of irresponsibility.
The message of a personality cult is loud and clear! "I am incorrigible, I
am a law unto myself, accept my apology or otherwise I am selling the South
African working class and our National Democratic Revolution (NDR) to the
highest bidder".
Without fear of any contradiction, the events of the recent past confirmed
that Mr Zwelinzima Vavi is suffering from an exaggeration of self-worth. He
has exaggerated his individual role in the Federation to be more important
than the collective leadership of our revolution.
His slanderous attacks and salvo of propaganda against the leadership of our
revolutionary movement and our democratic government cannot go unnoticed.
The records of our history may as well prove that he has insulted our
democratic government more than the racist Apartheid regime.
Revolutionaries are the most humbled leaders of the people. Vulgar is a
foreign tendency in the culture and the traditions of our movement, and on
this score he has to prove if our insinuations are wrong.
Our most outstanding revolutionary genius of our epoch and the leader of the
world Communist movement, Vladimir Lenin says:
"It is not he who makes no mistakes that is intelligent. There are no such
men, nor can there be. It is he whose errors are not very grave and who is
able to rectify them easily and quickly that is intelligent".
He further says:
"There are some compromises forced on the masses against their will due to
the balance of power at a particular time, and then there are some that are
not really forced on the masses but made by leaders for their own interests
and personal or political advantages. A true Communist must be able to spot
the difference and fight against the latter while explaining to the masses
the necessity of the former.
However, anyone who is out to think up for the workers some kind of recipe
that will provide them with cut-and dried solutions for all contingencies,
or promises that the policy of the revolutionary proletariat will never come
up against difficult or complex situations is simply a charlatan".
Again Lenin says the following about revisionists and opportunists:
"Certain individuals amongst the present social chauvinists leaders may
return to the proletariat, but the social chauvinists or opportunists’ trend
can never disappear or return to the revolutionary proletariat.
Revisionists and opportunists factions, as agencies of the bourgeoisie
become more and more hostile to Marxism Leninism with the sharpening class
struggles and the development of the revolutionary movement of the
proletariat and the toiling masses.
Revisionists and opportunists are sworn enemies of Marxism and yet they
swear by the name of Marx. You cannot prevent them from doing so any more
than a trading firm can be prevented from using any label, any sign, and any
advertisement it pleases.
We must relentlessly tear off their masks, discredit them before the people
and leave them no place to hide anywhere in the world. Winning the masses is
the key to the struggles against revisionism and opportunism.
It is our duty, if we wish to remain socialists, to go down lower and deeper
to the real masses. This is the whole meaning and the whole content of our
struggle against revisionism and opportunism.
If we want to win the battle against social traitors and opportunism, this
political line must be followed in all spheres of our struggles without
exception, and then we shall win the masses.
Our battle with revisionism and opportunism is a protracted and tortuous
one. As long as the capitalist class and imperialism exist, they will always
try to train new ones as their agents in the communist movement".
Lenin enriched the teachings of Karl Marx by developing a theoretical
proposition on the national and colonial question. He mastered the strategy
and tactics that the colonial and national question would inevitably arouse
the struggle of the oppressed people.
His strategy and tactics is to unite the working class of all countries to
fight imperialism and build socialism as the future to humanity. To achieve
this goal, the working class must resolutely oppose national oppression,
fight for national equality, the right of self-determination of the
oppressed nations of the colonial and semi-colonial countries and fully
support the national liberation movement against imperialism.
Imperialism means that capital has outgrown the framework of a nation state,
it means extension and sharpening of national oppression on a new historical
basis. In other words under imperialism, capitalism has outgrown the
boundaries of a nation state and therefore assumed an international
character.
It is this understanding of the national and colonial question that
intensified the struggle for the emancipation of the oppressed people in the
colonial and semi-colonial countries, from the yoke of imperialism. Hence
the slogan imperialism the highest stage of capitalism.
Opportunists of our modern times do not appreciate the inherent
contradictions arising between our struggle for the resolution of the
national and colonial question and imperialism. They do not appreciate the
essence that the contradictions of imperialism are between the oppressed and
the oppressor nations.
Lenin appreciated well that the struggle for the liberation of the oppressed
nations will intensify the crisis of the capitalist world. In other words he
understood well that the struggle to resolve the national and colonial
questions are part of the whole question of our struggle for socialism.
He says the following about this important theoretical formulation:
"Small nations, powerless as an independent factor in the struggle against
imperialism, play a part as part of the ferments, one of the bacilli, which
help the real power against imperialism to come to the scene, namely, the
socialist revolution".
The truth is that in our country and many of the former colonies and
semi-colonies, imperialism and neo-colonial forces are at an offensive to
undermine the achievements of the struggle of our people. In many instances
we have witnessed the working class splitting at the face of the onslaught
by counter-revolution.
The trade union movement has always been an easy target by the forces of
imperialism. We have seen sections of the leadership of trade union movement
undermining the victories of the struggle of our people against colonial
oppression and subjugation.
We have seen Chiluba in Zambia, Morgan Tsvangirai in Zimbabwe, the same
trend is all over in all countries which are led by former liberation
movements. How it comes, counter-revolution will always bring about
confusion within our movement as if we are faced by the greatest crisis ever
in history, and which in an unparalleled manner heaped disgrace upon our
NDR.
In most cases the point of departure is to undermine the leadership role and
character of our revolutionary vanguard party. This is primarily because its
foremost principal task is to negate the bourgeois society and replace it
with its anti-thesis, socialism.
Trade union movement is elevated to the political role of a vanguard party.
In our instance this is manifested by the creation of the so-called “United
Front” and a “Movement for Socialism”. The trade union consciousness which
is about fighting for better wages and improved working conditions is
translated into assuming the political leadership role of the vanguard
party.
A revolution rather requires the highest form of political consciousness and
organisation.
In our country the decaying system of Colonialism of a Special Type (CST)
could not relinquish power on its own accord. The reason why the forces of
imperialism and the remnants of CST are at an offensive to liquidate our
NDR. To achieve this they must weaken us from within. They must undermine
the unity and cohesion of our revolutionary Alliance led by the ANC.
The South African working class should not allow itself to split in the face
of the onslaught by a counter-revolution. We therefore have to close ranks
and defend our revolution against its enemies.
Historical and dialectical materialism teaches us that leadership could
either lead a revolution to its logical conclusion or betray it. It also
teaches us that revolutionary formations of the working class have been able
on their own to carry the revolution, in the absence of its leadership, to
its final conclusion. Over the decades of our struggle for national
liberation, our revolutionary movement has been able to forge ahead with our
struggle in the absence of its leadership. Most of them were in prison,
others in exile and many more under stringent restrictions by the Apartheid
racist laws.
Our own federation COSATU, which represents the interests of the working
class and the people of our country in general, has been able to forge ahead
with our struggle in the absence of its own founding President Elijah Barayi
and many other countless leaders, who had on their own, left an indomitable
foot print in the struggles of the working class.
Our struggle has taught us that leadership is an opportunity to learn. Our
people elect us to leadership positions to afford the opportunity to learn.
Leaders come and go but the revolutionary formations of the working class
always remain. In other words, with or without Zwelinzima Vavi COSATU and
our revolutionary Alliance led by the ANC will remain.
Without any fear of any contradiction, in the absence of Vavi, COSATU has
the golden opportunity to rebuild a truly unified federation, free from any
syndrome of personality cult and tendencies which suggest that our ranks are
swelled by foot soldiers of imperialism.
We will be able to build a strong militant COSATU which recognises the rich
history of the struggle of our people, a history without the imposition of
an individual who sort to behave to be everything that the federation
represents.
Cde Justice Piitso if former Provincial Secretary of the SACP in Limpopo,
former Ambassador to Cuba, and writes in personal capacity
_____
[i] State propaganda cut from the quotation
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