Umsebenzi Online, Volume 14, No. 14, 17 April 2015 In this Issue: * <http://www.sacp.org.za/main.php?ID=4706#redpen> Stop attacks on foreign nationals right now! Focus on the root-causes of our shared problems! * <http://www.sacp.org.za/main.php?ID=4706#one> We remember Chris Hani during the most difficult times: The enemies of our revolution are determined to undermine it Red Alert: Stop attacks on foreign nationals right now! Focus on the root-causes of our shared problems! By Solly Mapaila On Thursday, 15 April 2015 the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) convened a joint press conference and condemned attacks against foreign nationals in strongest terms possible. The SACP and COSATU called on their own structures to take action, in their respective communities, in defence of peace. This is very important. People have a role to play on matters that affect society. They are the makers of history, though, as Karl Marx says, not in the circumstances of their choosing. When similar attacks occurred in Soweto the SACP mobilised its structure to stop them. The party has been doing the same in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, and elsewhere throughout the country. Everyone needs to act to stop this anarchy! While intensifying action locally to stop the attacks, it is important we strengthen the international movement against the underlying system that reproduces the problems. Fundamentally, the causes are international. Multilateral institutions must therefore also discuss the problems created by capitalism as the dominant world system they are presiding on. They must take responsibility as well, but only democratically. The problems must therefore be resolved at two levels, that is both at the level of all the causes where they originate and develop from and at the level of the effects where they appear-out. In South African there are those who reduce the task of stopping the attacks to be the responsibility, all alone, of the government, the African National Congress (the governing party), or the President. See, for example, "Centre lashes out at Zuma" (The Citizen, 16 April 2015). Some of the people who do so are simply opportunistic, while others, similarly, are merely advancing a politics of narrow oppositionism in the midst of a serious problem. Without an enquiry into the motions of capital and what it does to achieve expansion in a given historical context it will almost be impossible to develop both the clarity of content and task. This theoretically sums up the approach adopted by the SACP and COSATU. The problems we are facing are an outgrowth of deeper structural processes and forces of the system of capitalism. What we see popping up on the surface - the totally unjustifiable attacks on foreign nationals - are a backward and inward reaction to the effects of the systemic crises emanating from the private accumulation of wealth on a capitalist basis. The appalling phenomenon we are faced with is therefore not just a crisis in itself, but a sore symptom of interacting system crises. The phenomenon is not isolated or unhistorical, but has occurred elsewhere, including in Africa. In The Wretched of the Earth Frantz Fanon analyses the pitfalls of national consciousness and develops a critique of the "national bourgeoisie" in post-independent societies. These strata of the bourgeoisie, which includes the intermediaries of the bourgeoisie from the ranks of the former colonial powers or imperialist capital, are equally interested in the merciless exploitation of the workers. But in the event of liquidating competition from foreign traders they have ways, including hostile ways, of attracting support from some in the ranks of local workers. "The working class of the towns, the masses of unemployed, the small artisans and craftsmen", wrote Fanon in 1961, "for their part line up behind this nationalist attitude; but in all justice let it be said, they only follow in the steps of their bourgeoisie. If the national bourgeoisie goes into competition with the Europeans, the artisans and craftsmen start a fight against non-national Africans". From what we see going on today in South Africa this passage will be worded differently. It will replace the reference to Europeans by that of foreign nationals in general but mainly from Africa and some parts of Asia. Fanon recounts the attacks on foreign nationals caused by the phenomenon in various African countries, Ivory Coats, Senegal, Ghana and Congo. During those times, this wrongfully led to, he writes, "foreigners" being "called on to leave; their shops. burned, their street stalls. wrecked". "As we see it", he writes, "the mechanism is identical in the two sets of circumstances. If the Europeans (Recall the context given above) get in the way of the intellectuals and business bourgeoisie of the young nation, for the mass of the people in the towns competition is represented principally by Africans of another nation". In the present period attacks on foreign nationals are expressed in various forms in different countries. All of this flowing from capitalist social relations of production and consequent political conditions. Capitalism inherently involves uneven development based on economic exploitation. At the micro level more labour value is extracted from workers who are then paid less. Internationally, this law of the motion of capital consist in this - less is advanced in imperialist exploited economies, but more is extracted from them. The countries and the capitalist class which extract more from other countries and the workers respectively are the so-called "developed", while those who are thus exploited are "under-developed". The uneven development and the underdevelopment caused by capitalism are the main system drivers of migration flows within and across borders in the current epoch. The uneven development, which is designed in favour of the countries which lie at the core of the system, is driven through the under-development of countries which are located in the periphery of the system. Not so long ago this was pushed through the colonial expansion of capital, which has ravaged much of the global South. In many of the countries which achieved "independence" thereafter, through their capitalist class forces the colonising countries continued to retain strategic advantages and control over the economies of the oppressed. This has deepened in the consequent neo-colonialism that emerged but has even entrenched under the era of heightened imperialism. Precisely the heart of the two interacting phenomena, in varying degrees, of the continuing underdevelopment of the countries in the periphery and the uneven national and international development! The scarcity of the resources needed to support human life thus created in the affected countries coupled with competition and imperialist machination give rise to consistent political conflicts and wars. This is part of the push factors forcing people out "of their countries" (i.e. mostly colonially partitioned territories) to look for countries which offer the prospects for relief. It cannot be, therefore, that instead of solidarity, the affected people are further violated through super-exploitation by capital, through the so-called "xenophobic tacks", or through government action as we see in the global North. As noted in the African Communist (1st Quarter 2015, No 188): "Today, the most militarised international border in the world is not between North and South Korea, but between the US and Mexico. According to the editorial, this is "designed to keep desperate (but 'illegal') work-seekers out". But there is "a deep hypocrisy in this". As the editorial highlights from Saskia Sassen's research: "Tens of millions of desperate, 'illegal' work-seekers nonetheless still find their way into the US and Europe" in "what looks like failure from the perspective of controlling entry", but which "is actually delivering results that particular sectors inside the US want from immigrants" - "low-paid workers". Their 'illegal' status (sustained by the highly weaponised border) means they are prepared to accept low wages and precarious working conditions". The Capital expansion knows no morals and has no regard to human life. This sort of super-exploitation has been singled out as one of the factors that sparked the recent wave of despicable attacks on foreign nationals in Durban. But unlike the US, South Africa has a welcoming immigration policy. Which is why, in addition to its relative advantages compared to other reachable destinations it has substantive gains from continental and overseas migration streams in Africa. But sections of both local and foreign capital have, like that ruthless Durban based employer we return to, been exploiting the country's migration pull factors. Which is why the SACP and COSATU say the super-exploiters must be held accountable for the social consequences of their actions. Capital not only exploits labour. It exploits unemployment, its own creature. It uses it as a lever to suppress the rate of wages. This is a management strategy to maximise the rate of profit. The employer who replaced striking workers with super-exploited "scab labour" in Durban sought to achieve exactly this. The government must lay down that law on the exploiters. Nobody must be allowed to cause problems and be left to bask in luxury. Instead of turning against one another, workers must unite independently of any nationality, organise and confront capital - the common enemy that pits them against each other in a destructive competition, the race to the bottom. This requires workers to build an ever strong trade union movement. Which is what COSATU seeks to achieve. The SACP fully supports the cause, and will work with the federation to ensure that it achieves the success it needs. But the workers need to unite on a global basis. Similar phenomena of migration patterns forced upon workers by capitalist uneven development last year caused tensions within the European Union, mainly between the UK and Germany. This was triggered by the way the UK government reacted to increasing migration from the south and east of Europe. The government sought to clamp down entry to the UK and limit immigration. If "xenophobia" is the appropriate word used to characterise the disgusting attacks on foreign nationals in South Africa, then the UK government not only sought to respond to xenophobic pressure but it revealed its xenophobic attitude? The least said about France the better. In that country it is a typical electoral politics to campaign against immigration inflows. In the Mediterranean region, thousands of migrant workers risk their lives crossing the sea in attempts to reach Europe every year. And many have lost their lives. The reasons pushing them to the North are the same, war, instability, underdevelopment and uneven international development. All of this is caused by capitalism but masked in different propagandas, "religious conflicts", "poor governance", "xenophobia", "Afrophobia", etc. What about refugee camps? While it is important to ensure that all immigrants are documented, the compartmentalisation of our people through segregated settlements including such camps is just no solution. As a people we must integrate and live with one another in peace and harmony. The complete de-colonisation of Africa actually requires that one day we must transcend the borders set by the colonial partitioning of our continent. We must eliminate all forms of false consciousness, including inappropriate definitions of what constitutes a nation. Many of our people have been divided across borders by the colonial partitioning of our continent. By way of a preliminary conclusion, our work to stop the attacks must include a real drive to identify and isolate the "xenophobes" in our communities. We must hand them over to law enforcement agencies. In the same vein, we must rigorously intensify our efforts to address the economic problems of social inequality, unemployment and poverty which mostly but by no means exclusively affect the youth. These problems are caused by none other capital in its single programme to achieve self-expansion, and must be dealt with decisively. The National Youth Service, including military youth programmes, is important. It must be revitalised to skill the youth of our country and improve their employment prospects. Similarly, the Public Works and Community Work programmes are import. But more decisive efforts are required to expand the productive base of our economy to absorb work-seekers. This should include deliberate measures to advantage co-operatives and give them space to thrive. The massive amounts of capital acquired in our economy and which are not being re-invested to create employment must be unlocked. Capital's investment strike must come to an end. The government has an important role to play in ensuring this through legislative and regulatory reviews, including prescribed asset requirements. Take a stance! Become active for a good cause! Stop attacks on foreign nationals right now! Comrade Solly Mapaila is SACP Deputy General Secretary We remember Chris Hani during the most difficult times: The enemies of our revolution are determined to undermine it By Phatse Justice Piitso The imperialist bullets robbed us of a true leader April the 10th remains to be of great historic significance on the calendar of the history of the struggle for the liberation of our country. It was during this day, 22 years ago, that the hands of notorious mercenaries robbed our nation one of its most outstanding revolutionary leader, Comrade Chris Thembisile Hani. It was during this day that humanity thought our country was in a sharp turn in its history. The bullets of the imperialist assassins Janusz WaluĊ and Clive Derby-Lewis robbed our nation and the world, one of our finest and most industrious revolutionary leader of the working class. In Hani we celebrate the life and memories of a revolutionary leader whose image continues to represent a symbolic monument of the true traditions and culture of our national liberation struggles. The life of a colossus of our national democratic revolution Hani was an exemplary leader who, throughout his life, occupied the forefront trenches of the struggle of our people, a leader of our national liberation movement, a leader of the Communist movement, a leader of the struggles of the working class, and a guerrilla fighter of our national liberation movement. Hani was the General Secretary of the SACP, a member of the ANC National Executive Committee, and a Commander of our glorious army Umkhonto weSizwe. It is true that indeed in a life of every nation, there arise men who leave an indelible and eternal stamp on the history of their people, men who are both products and makers of history. And when they pass they leave a vision of a new and better life and the tools with which to win and build it. Today we pay homage to such an outstanding extraordinary heroic leader of our people. A rare outstanding leader of the struggle of working class solidarity and internationalism. Vladimir Lenin on his work 'Left-Wing Communism and Infantile Disorder' says the following: "Life will assert itself. Let the bourgeoisie rave, work itself into frenzy, overdo things, commit stupidities, take vengeance on the Bolsheviks in advance and endeavour to kill hundreds, thousands and hundreds of thousands of more of yesterday and tomorrow's Bolsheviks. Communists should know that the future, at any rate, belongs to them; therefore we can and must combine the most intense passion in the great revolutionary struggle with the coolest and most sober evaluation of the mad ravings of the bourgeoisie." Consistent with this important historic task, of giving a sober appraisal of the mad ravings of the bourgeoisie, Chris Hani was convinced that to defeat the bourgeoisie, we need to build a strong Marxist-Leninist Party. He was convinced that the leadership of the Party must be comprised of better students, schooled in the scientific revolutionary Marxist-Leninist theory, and a revolutionary leadership ready to lead the struggles of the working class into the future of all freedom of humanity, our future of socialism. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels were great leaders of the struggles of the international working class and the authors of the Communist Manifesto. Their scientific revolutionary theory provided the working class with a powerful ideological and theoretical weapon to guide its liberation struggle. The role of scientific theory in struggle The Marxist scientific revolutionary theory provided a basis for a profound analysis of the contradictions arising out of the class relations in society. This became the basis for the working class to develop and become the most resolute and advanced class, capable of taking forward the struggle against oppression by capital. The greatest contribution of Lenin to the development of this revolutionary scientific theory was to adapt it to the new historical conditions of imperialism and proletariat revolution. His contribution to the development of Marxism gave great impetus to the strategies and tactics of the revolutionary struggle of the international working class for liberation. Marxism-Leninism: revolutionary theory moves with the times. Lenin lived in the epoch of imperialism, he understood well that imperialism was the highest stage of capitalism. On the basis of the scientific analysis of the new epoch, he creatively and comprehensively developed the ideas of Marx and Engels on the colonial and national question. This is what he had to say: "Whereas before the beginning of the epoch of the world revolution, the movement for national liberation was part of the general democratic movement, now, after the victory of the Soviet revolution in Russia and the beginning of the epoch of the world revolution, the movement for national liberation is part of the world proletariat revolution. Whoever wants to reach socialism by any other path than that of political democracy, will inevitably arrive at conclusions that are absurd and reactionary both in the economic and political sense. Between the democratic and socialist stages of the revolution in the new epoch there is no barrier, no time interval that revolutions should take into account." In other words, taking forward the ideas of Marx and Engels, Lenin elaborated on the theory of the development of a national democratic revolution, a theory which throughout the history of our struggle proven to be the only correct way to a revolutionary practice. The triumph of the great October Socialist revolution in 1917 was a momentous victory in favour of the millions of our people in the former colonies and semi-colonies. It ushered in a new era of possibilities and prospects for the freedom and victory of the socialist struggles of the working class across the world. This heralded a new epoch of heightened forms of struggle by our people across the world against imperialism and colonial oppression and exploitation. A wave of struggle that saw the victory of our people in the former colonies and semi-colonies against imperialism and colonialism. One of the most important theoretical debates before the world communist movement was the question of its dialectical relationship with the nationalist movements of the oppressed people in the colonies and semi-colonies. The debate about the role and contribution of the Communist movement towards the liberation of the people of the world from the bondage of imperialism and colonial domination. The debate about the role of the vanguard party and the struggle for national liberation emanates from successive plenary sessions of the Communist International on colonial policies. A debate that eventually crafted the strategies and tactics which guided our struggle for the liberation of the millions of our people in the former colonies and semi-colonies. In his address to the second all Russian Congress of the Communist organisation of the people of East Asia, Lenin presented a theoretical formulation that the struggle against capital in advance industrial countries would combine with the struggle of the oppressed nations. That the task of all Communists is to carry the message of liberation to every country in a language the people understand. During the presidium of the second congress of the Third International in 1920, again Lenin presented the following thesis on the national and colonial question: "We come to the conclusion that some of the bourgeois democratic parties of the oppressed nations are of various kinds. Some of them have adopted reformist tactics and are adapting themselves to the political regimes existing in their countries and harmonizing their activities with the interest of the regimes of the ruling countries. Of course we shall not give support to such parties, Communists should support the national revolutionary movements, but only when they are really revolutionary. We Communists should and will support bourgeois liberation movements in the colonies only when they are genuinely revolutionary and when their exponents do not hinder our work of educating and organising in a revolutionary spirit the peasantry and the masses of the exploited. If these conditions do not exist, the Communists in those countries must combat the reformist bourgeoisie to whom the heroes of the Second International also belong. Reformists parties already exist in the colonial countries and in some cases their spokespersons call themselves social democrats and socialists." The plenary session finally adopted the following resolutions on the question of the oppressor and the oppressed nations: Communists in the oppressor nations must give direct aid to the revolutionary movements of the oppressed nations; Communist Parties must assist national revolutionary movements in the peasants countries; the Communist International must support such movements but not to enter into an alliances with them pending the formation of proletariat parties; Communists must retain the independence of proletariat parties even if they were in the most embryonic stage. The South African struggle As a result the Plenary Session of the 6th Congress of the Communist International of 1928 directed all Communist Parties of the world to establish relationships with nationalist movements in the colonies and semi-colonies. The Plenary Session directed Communists Parties of the world to be consistent with the traditions and culture of solidarity and internationalism. The delegation of the SACP, then the Communist Party of South Africa was urged to adopt the slogan for the creation of an independent native South African republic with full equal rights for all races. Communist International characterised South Africa as a British dominion of a special type. A profound theoretical formulation that cemented our understanding of the national democratic revolution. It defined the character of the South African economy as dominated by British imperialism with the participation of the white bourgeoisie. The Communist International adopted the following resolutions with regard to the specific South African situation: Combat chauvinism; transform the embryonic nationalists movements into revolutionary struggle against the white bourgeoisie and foreign imperialists; emphasise class differences between white capitalists and white workers who were also exploited as wage slaves though better paid than Africans in particular and black people in general; struggle for the unity between black and white workers and introduce correct class content into the idea of co-operation between them in general. Summing up the collective experience of the oppressed masses, democratic whites and the Communist Party, in 1962 the SACP adopted a new programme 'The Road to South African Freedom'. This built on the Black Republic Thesis but modified it. South Africa was defined as a Colonialism of a Special Type in which the majority of the people of our country did not only suffer from capitalist exploitation and colonial oppression, but also from racial discrimination and gender domination in a country where they lived with the colonial oppressors but segregated in terms of apartheid. The way forward was the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) to overthrow this colonial oppression and build a national democratic state and a non-racial and non-sexist national democratic society based on the Freedom Charter. To the SACP, the successful completion of this phase of struggle, to be buttressed simultaneously by the intensified struggle for, would lay the indispensable basis for the advance to, socialism. Neither the Black Republic Thesis nor the NDR was a conventional treaty signed on papers to bring to an end the ravaging wars between two bourgeois states, but a revolutionary commitment to free the millions of the suffering people of our country from the ravages of colonialism and imperialism. The character of our liberation Alliance The late President of our national liberation movement Comrade Oliver Reginald Tambo had this to say: "The relationship between the ANC and SACP is not an accident of history, nor is it a natural and inevitable development. Our alliance is the living organism that has grown out of the common struggles. We have built it out of our separate and common experiences. Our revolutionary alliance has been fertilised by blood of countless heroes and heroines, many of them unnamed and unsung. It has been reinforced by a common determination to destroy the enemy and by our shared belief in the certainty of our victory." We remember Chris Hani during the most difficult times: The enemies of our revolution are determined to undermine its strategic objectives. Our enemies are determined to reverse back the tremendous achievements of our national liberation struggles. Our leader Chris Hani understood that revolutionary situations take place against different historical backgrounds and material conditions. That the character of any revolution is determined by concrete objective realities and not abstract wishes of individual leaders. We are witnessing a growing phenomenon by forces of counter revolution which seek to divide the organisation of the working class in our country. These forces think that to divide the progressive trade union federation COSATU is an easy way to divide our liberation Alliance and therefore undermine the achievements and the victories of the NDR. Our people must understand that opportunism and populist demagogy is a phenomenon tantamount to the highest form of anarchy. Our struggle into the future, the future of socialism, the future of great deeds of humanity, cannot be led by populist demagogues. Beware, combat right-wing and "left"-wing populism, the Siamese twins of demagogy Lenin says the following about anarchy and opportunism: "Anarchism is a product of despair. The psychology of the unsettled intellectual or the vagabond and not of the proletariat. We shall resort to every means of the ideological struggle to keep the influence of the anarchist over the Russian workers." Our task is to defend the working class from the offensive of the right-wing and "left"-wing opportunism within and outside the ranks of our national liberation movement. Our leader Comrade Chris Hani was never a populist demagogue. Right-wing populism and "left"-wing populism are similar in character. Both tendencies are the enemies of the working class and therefore inherently counter-revolutionary. The posture of the expelled former General Secretary of COSATU Mr Zwelinzima Vavi of defining himself outside the collective decisions of the leadership of the federation is war against the working class of our country. What he forgets is the truth that the federation did not join him but the other way round. A man who convened a press conference and read out a press statement on 28 February 2008 (See "COSATU Central Executive Committee 25-27 February 2008"; <http://www.cosatu.org.za/show.php?ID=1566> http://www.cosatu.org.za/show.php?ID=1566) to expel former COSATU President Willie Madisha (a worker leader for that matter and not an employee who committed gross insubordination and insolence to democracy) says to us an elected leader can only be removed by congress. What a surprise. A hypocrite. Any true revolutionary with the interests of the unity of the working class at heart cannot behave in the selfish manner of his posturing. His self-aggrandisement is not bigger than workers' unity. The working class of our country and the world must be able to distinguish the truth from falsehood. The working class cannot be fooled by grandstanding and rhetoric mongering. Great speeches which seek to unite the working class are revolutionary and great speeches which seek to divide the working class are counter-revolutionary. The historical basis of the existence of the organisation of the working class is its unity and cohesion. Comrade Chris Hani lived and died for the unity of the struggles of the working class in our country and the whole world. He lived and died for the struggles of the working class solidarity and internationalism. He was never a populist demagogue. He never elevated his self-image as the opium of the masses of our people. He never exaggerated his individual contribution above the collective leadership of our revolution. He understood the essence of democratic centralism. Chris Hani spent his entire of his life working for the unity and cohesion of the South African working class. He dedicated his entire life working for the unity of our revolutionary Alliance led by the ANC. He never sort to divide the movement and the working class against the decisions taken by the majority in the organisation. He was NOT a liar! He appreciated well that the unity of our revolutionary Alliance is a precondition for the success of the NDR and the struggle for socialism. More importantly, he understood well that our national liberation movement is the only vehicle to lead the working class and our society in general, into our better future, the future of humanity. He was a true student of Karl Marx and Lenin! He understood, to borrow from the Communist Manifesto, that: Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working-class parties; they have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole; they do not set up any sectarian principles of their own by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement. Comrade Phatse Justice Piitso Justice Piitso if former Provincial Secretary of the SACP in Limpopo, former Ambassador to Cuba, and writes in personal capacity -- -- You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "Umsebenzi Online" group. To unsubscribe from this group, just send email to [email protected] For more options, archives, pages and files, visit the group web site at http://groups.google.com/group/umsebenzi-online?hl=en --- You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "Umsebenzi Online" group. 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