Umsebenzi Online

 


Umsebenzi Online, Volume 15, No. 18, 19 May 2016



In this Issue:

.         EFF hooliganism, media opportunism

.         The Negatives and positives of the past week

 


 

 


http://www.sacp.org.za/pubs/umsebenzi/images/umsebenzi_hand.gifRed Alert

EFF hooliganism, media opportunism

        

By Cde Jeremy Cronin, SACP First Deputy General Secretary 

This week, once more, much of the mainstream media acted as a boom box to
the EFF's parliamentary hooliganism. In most commercial media outlets, the
EFF MPs were portrayed as unfortunate victims, or, at worst, as righteous
retaliators in the face of unjustified violence. Malema was given acres of
print media space and air-time to further elaborate on this victimhood theme
coupled with sinister warnings of further EFF perpetrated violence.

 

Before the arrival of the EFF in Parliament, forcible collective evictions
of serving MPs from the House were unknown. An offending MP might be asked
to leave the chambers. He or she would duly comply, sometimes with varying
degrees of muttered reluctance. The National Assembly's Sergeant-of-Arms,
the mild-mannered, middle-aged Regina Mohlomi, was intended more as a
ceremonial appointment, a symbol of a transforming, demilitarised South
Africa, and not so much a rule-enforcer. 

 

Before 2014 there was little or no parliamentary hooliganism but
considerably more robust debate. Former leaders of the official opposition,
I think of Tony Leon for instance, were arrogant and irritating, all the
more so because they were effective debaters. When Leon called for a
"muscular opposition", he meant it in the metaphoric and not physical
hooliganism sense. Outflanked by the oppositional theatrics of the EFF, the
DA in parliament has now lost much of its way. 

 

Tuesday's eviction of EFF MPs from the National Assembly was the fourth
occasion in the current Parliament that this has had to happen. On each
occasion the EFF MPs, seeking to pose as victims, have deliberately courted
forcible eviction. And on each occasion much of the commercial media has
duly played along with the EFF cry-baby, pseudo- martyrdom antics.

 

This supine, media collaboration is typically constructed by the manner in
which reporting on the hooliganism is framed. Consider one fairly typical
sample of this - Marianne Merten's Daily Maverick column posted on
Wednesday, the day following the 17th May episode. Headlined "Parliamentary
Trenches: Hard hats and hardened attitudes", the story is placed beneath a
graphic photo showing EFF MPs aggressively resisting attempts to escort them
out of the House by the parliamentary protection services.

 

They say that photographs don't lie. But what you imagine you are seeing in
a photograph can be heavily influenced by the text informing it. This is how
Merten's column begins:

 

"Parliament is stuck in trench warfare between the ANC, using its numerical
strength to get its way, and the EFF's brash and noisy provocation." Note
how this opening sentence pretends to be "balanced reporting", with its on-
the-one-hand and its on-the-other-hand. But note also the several sleights
of hand at play. Let's take these one by one:

 

"Parliament is stuck in trench warfare between the ANC.and the EFF". This is
stated beneath the photo of the brawl, which triggers us to think that
evoking "trench warfare" might be meant literally. Moreover, the
juxtaposition of this claim with the photo further gives the impression that
those involved in the brawl are the ANC and EFF, when in fact it is
parliamentary protection officers seeking to remove the EFF.

 

Merten does at least concede that the EFF's tactic of choice is "brash and
noisy provocation". This is a minor shift in reporting from her side on the
EFF's behaviour in parliament. But what is the ANC's alleged culpability in
the matter? The ANC is guilty, according to Merten, "of using its numerical
strength to get its way". That's ludicrous. This is a democratic parliament,
after all, and decisions are taken either by multi-party consensus (and many
are), or by voting based on the majority principle. It is therefore a
stretch to establish an equivalence of responsibility for chronic mayhem in
parliament between the exercise of the majoritarian principle and "brash and
noisy provocation". The latter phrase is, itself, a rather mild description
for the punching of parliamentary officers and the hurling of fire
extinguishers.

 

In all warfare there are victims. So who, in Merten's imaginary trench
warfare, are the victims? It is here that Merten introduces an innovative
construct. Having established this pseudo-equivalence between a warring ANC
and EFF, it is the other opposition parties that emerge as the victims.
"Caught in the middle are opposition parties wanting to use the rules to try
to extract even just the smallest concession of accountability at the risk
of, again, being dismissed through rules, protocol and procedure." Is Merten
opposed to Parliament having rules, protocol and procedure? And what does
she imply by the risk of "again, being dismissed"? Opposition parties might
not always get their way, but that doesn't mean that they will also be
dismissed in the sense of forcible removal from parliament simply for trying
"to extract even just the smallest concession of accountability".

 

At least Merten seeks to portray opposition parties other than the EFF as
the victims of the chaos unleashed by the EFF. The day after, many other
newspapers explicitly or implicitly portrayed the EFF MPs once more as the
victims or, at worst, as legitimate responders to violence.  


Consider the Sowetan's article on this week's hooliganism (by Jan-Jan
Joubert and Babalo Ndenze). It begins: "A glass entrance door was shattered,
furniture damaged and clothes torn" (note how all the verbs are in the
passive - no agency is attached, no culpability ascribed). "as EFF MPs
fought back (i.e. they were supposedly just defending themselves) against
parliamentary bouncers (note the loaded term "bouncers" invented by the EFF
and uncritically taken up by the Sowetan) who removed them violently (again
a loaded word, where "forcibly" would have been more appropriate) from the
National Assembly at the behest of speaker Baleka Mbete." A long sentence
that ends by implicitly blaming Mbete for it all.  

 

Malema is quoted extensively in the Sowetan article (eight paragraphs), the
ANC's chief whip is given a four-line paragraph, in which the fourth line is
"but this was denied by the EFF". A version of the same story (by the same
journalists) is carried in The Times. It is headlined: "Juju: No peace until
Zuma quits. Parliament in chaos as security staff battle with MPs". The body
of the story repeats the line that the EFF members "fought back", that is,
were responding to violence.  

 

Die Burger's front page has a prominent photo of the eviction of EFF MPs,
headlined "Huis van skande" (House of scandal) - which, as we learn from its
page two story, is a quote from parliamentary absentees COPE which described
the eviction of the EFF (and not EFF hooliganism)  as one of the "darkest
hours" in South Africa's democracy. The front page photo focuses on EFF
Nazier Paulsen in a head-lock, melodramatically squealing for the cameras as
he is led out. As anyone in the House would have seen, it was Paulsen who
was one of the first to aggressively attack the Parliamentary Protection
Services.

 

In its page two story, Die Burger quotes Malema extensively, justifying the
EFF hooliganism and promising more. The ANC's Chief Whip's statement issued
immediately afterwards, called for criminal charges to be laid against EFF
MPs for violence and damage to parliamentary property. Die Burger gives it
only one line.

The Citizen has a full front-page photograph of EFF MPs scuffling with
parliamentary protection members, but makes light of it with a headline
"Parly war games". On page 3 its story on the hooliganism repeats the
pattern of giving extensive space to Malema justifying EFF actions and
threatening to "fight back with any weapon".

 

At least The Star's headline took a different view with a bold (and surely
correct) front page head-line: "DEMOCRACY CRITICAL. Analysts warn of dire
consequences if mayhem in House isn't stopped". The Star's accompanying
front page photographs appear to bear out the warning, with a Reuters photo
of two EFF supporters (the one deceptively dressed in a smart white shirt -
he is allegedly Malema's bodyguard) hurling a fire-extinguisher at the
white-shirted parliamentary protection officers behind a glass door.
Fortunately the glass was strong and no-one behind the door was injured.

 

But the accompanying story on The Star front page (attributed to Thabiso
Thakali, Siyabonga Mkhwanazi and Craig Dodds) unfortunately drifts back into
the old paradigm of the EFF hooligans being the victims. "Chaos erupted when
National Assembly Speaker Baleka Mbete ordered EFF MPs to stop disrupting
the proceedings." (We are implicitly asked to believe that there was no
chaos before Mbete asked the EFF MPs - repeatedly by the way - to stop their
disruptive activity.) "School pupils seated in the public gallery shrieked
in horror as the EFF members were dragged from the chamber." (Are the
journalists sure that the scholars' horror was provoked by the eviction of
the EFF MPs, or by the MPs unseemly behaviour?). But the crowning and
disappointing moment in The Star story comes when the "experts" are quoted.
Professor Shadrack Gutto blames the parliamentary officials' "strong arm
tactics", and he asks "whether the force used is justifiable or
proportional".  Professor Pierre de Vos is quoted saying "normally in other
democracies there wouldn't be a forceful removal of members of Parliament
from the chamber, unless there is direct threat to lives."

 

Either de Vos is being misquoted, or he is conveniently forgetting that
"normally in other democracies" (unless we are remembering Germany early
1930s) opposition parties don't threaten (as Malema did) to "physically
prevent" a sitting president to appear in Parliament. Malema has also
recently said that he would take on the ANC-government "through the barrel
of a gun", and that there would be "no peace in Parliament until Zuma goes".
De Vos is also conveniently forgetting that in the US Congress, for
instance, it is not infrequent for recalcitrant members to be forcibly
evicted. The difference is that they compel the officials to carry them off
one by one, without offering physical resistance.  

 

None of this is to argue that ANC conduct in recent times within the House
has always been perfect. In the course of yesterday's budget votes, many of
us on the ANC benches applauded when our  Chief Whip stood up at one point
and called the ANC caucus to show greater respect for the dignity of the
House and for the DA speaker who was at the podium at the time. There have
also been occasions in the past when parliamentary officials, caught
flat-footed by the unprecedented recklessness of the EFF, handled difficult
situations clumsily. All ANC members should certainly categorically condemn
the ANC Youth League President's utterly stupid call (reported by News24
yesterday) that ANC MPs should carry the physical fight to the EFF in
Parliament. "If they want a fight, they must be given a war." If asked
whether he meant this literally, Maine is reported to have said "Yes".
Maine must surely face an ANC disciplinary committee for his serial
misconduct.

 

But none of this justifies the EFF's extremely dangerous flirtation with
violence and anarchy in Parliament and beyond. And none of this justifies
the complacency and even collaboration of much of the media (and their
"specialists") in the face of a very serious threat to our hard-won
constitutional democracy.

 

.         Cde Jeremy Cronin is a stalwart of our liberation struggle, former
member of the ANC NEC. He is currently an ANC MP and Deputy Minister of
Public Works, and writes in his capacity as SACP First Deputy General
Secretary. 

 

 

The Negatives and positives of the past week

BY Cde Solly Mapaila, SACP 2nd Deputy General Secretary 

 

The past week or so has seen not only the negatives but also the positives. 

 

Unemployment

 

South African's unemployment rate reflected its stubborn, structural feature
in the context of the ongoing world capitalism crisis. The quarterly
increase in unemployment rate of 2.2 percent to 26.7 percent is a serious
problem that requires the action of all of us working together. The
intervention "Public Works' plan tackles jobs snag" by the First Deputy
General Secretary of the SACP and Minister of Public Works Cde Jeremy Cronin
carried by the Sowetan newspaper yesterday, 18 May underlines a number of
things we must get right in our efforts to address the problem. 

 

Among others we must strengthen public employment programmes interventions,
re-industrialise our economy, expand and diversify manufacturing thus
localise production including in particular by means of beneficiating our
mineral recourses rather than export them largely as raw materials, support
SMME development, ensure a sustained infrastructure-build pipe-line,
significantly improve and fund vocational education and technical training,
etc. In particular, we must advance and deepen the second, more radical
phase of our country's democratic transformation.

  

Racial undertones on rape    

 

The North Gauteng High Court Judge Mabel Jansen's social media post
suggesting rape is an ingrained aspect of black people's culture was, and
remains, unacceptable. The decision by the Justice and Correctional Services
Minister Michael Masutha granting her special leave while the matter is
being attended is absolutely correct. The SACP fully supports the decision. 

 

South Africa's vision to transform and become a non-racial, non-sexist and
democratic society, prosperous for all citizens, thus lifting the
historically oppressed and marginalised from the conditions of legacy of
oppression, must be seen rigorously advanced. Judges have an important role
to play in this regard. What they say matters a lot, and should not be seen
entrenching wrong, including racial, stereotypes. 

 

In the same vein, as a people we can only deny at our own peril that rape is
a problem. The construction of a non-sexist South Africa requires that we
must eliminate rape incidents without regard to race and sex.

 

Courts of Law Amendment Bill
<http://www.justice.gov.za/legislation/bills/2016-CourtsOfLawBill-Final.pdf>


 

On Friday the Courts of Law Amendment Bill
<http://www.justice.gov.za/legislation/bills/2016-CourtsOfLawBill-Final.pdf>
of April 2016 was formally tabled in parliament. This process is very
important for the working class and poor, but also the various strata of the
middle class, to engage with. In many ways the tabling of the Bill, on its
own, is a victory. The SACP welcomes it. 

 

The Bill is in part a direct fruit of the SACP-led financial sector
transformation and the 2015/6 Red October campaign, including combating
unscrupulous garnishee orders and corruption in our court system with direct
linkages in the financial sector. These problems have resulted in many
people losing their salaries or wages and their houses. The tabling of the
Bill offers an opportunity to strengthen it and to deal with those problems
where needs be through parliamentary submissions and constant mobilisation
in support of its objects. 

 

"The Bill", as it clearly states, "aims to curb alleged abuses in the EAO
system and to provide for an additional mechanism in terms of which court
judgments may be rescinded or abandoned without incurring prohibitive legal
costs. The amendments are intended to alleviate the plight of certain
debtors who often find themselves at the receiving end of a debt collecting
system and certain common law principles that keep debtors in a state of
indebtedness, from which it is difficult to escape."

 

Its purpose "is to amend various sections of the Magistrates' Courts Act,
1944 (Act No. 32 of 1944), in order to address alleged abuses in the
emoluments attachment order system. It further seeks to amend the sections
of the Magistrate's Courts Act dealing with the rescission or abandonment of
court judgments to accommodate the Department of Trade and Industry's
removal of adverse consumer credit information project. The amendments have
a bearing on civil debts and are aimed at protecting debtors who often find
themselves in financial difficulties as a result of debts incurred by them
and who cannot escape the 'debt trap' due to the abuses that seem to be
taking place in this area of the law and also to put in place measures that
will assist them in overcoming the effects of court judgments relating to
their continued indebtedness. The Bill further amends the Superior Courts
Act, 2013 (Act No. 10 of 2013), to provide for the rescission of judgments
with the consent of the judgment creditor and for the rescission of
judgments where the judgment debt has been settled."

 

Local content play on SABC radio waves

 

Our liberation alliance, as led by the ANC, committed the movement to
artistic and cultural development and ensuring that the economic fruits of
programming on our radios and televisions as a nation benefit our people.
The SACP welcomes the decision to introduce 90 percent local content on SABC
radios, and is looking forward to a similar progressive move on television
programming. This is a progressive decision. Our artists and the economy
stand to benefit, as opposed to the payment, for example, of millions of
rands in royalties in the form of exports while local artists die poor, our
economy is negatively affected by associated balance of payments problems
and our artistic and cultural development is marginalised.

 

The decision should be seen as an opportunity to enhance quality and produce
progressive and revolutionary content. 

 

The mineworkers' court victory paving way to a class action on silicosis is
a victory for all workers

 

Last week's court judgement paving way to mineworkers launching a class
action on silicosis against mining bosses should be seen as a victory for
all workers. The SACP welcomes it. The court concluded that there are
sufficient common grounds to justify the class action, one for silicosis and
two for TB. Mining companies failed to protect the health of the workers
when they were legally bound to do so, and as a result causing the workers
to contract TB and silicosis, the court found. 

 

All workers and progressive trade union across all the sectors of our
economy must deepen the struggle to ensure health and safety at work. 

 

Medical professionals should also take into account workplace environment
when workers consult with them. They must always take into account the
possibility that bosses in their pursuit of profit do compromise the health
and safety of workers, as shown in this case, leading to workers contracting
infections and suffering diseases and injuries, including repetitive strain
injuries, from their work environments.  

.         Cde Solly Mapaila is also former MK combatant and currently
Chairperson of the Financial Sector Campaign Coalition. He writes in his
capacity as the Second Deputy General Secretary of the SACP

 

Umsebenzi Online is an online voice of the South African working class

 

 

 

 

-- 
UMSEBENZI ONLINE IS THE VOICE OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN WORKING CLASS
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