Artikel kana sabab pamaehan Benazir...cutatan tina "daily Telegraph"


Bilawal Bhutto's limitations for Pakistan

By Con Coughlin
Last Updated: 12:01am GMT 04/01/2008

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  A 19-year-old who has just seen his mother killed in a suicide bomb
attack, a disgraced former prime minister who has been banned from holding
public office for his involvement in corruption, and a dictator who has been
obliged to remove his military uniform only with extreme reluctance so that
he can at least give the appearance of supporting civilian rule.

At first glance, Bilawal Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif and Pervez Musharraf,
respectively the key figures in Pakistan's delayed election process, do not
inspire confidence that the faltering transition from military dictatorship
to functioning democracy has the least chance of success.

But Pakistan's fate rests in their hands when the country goes to the polls
on February 18. Whether it survives the current crisis will depend to a
large extent on how they deal with the challenges of the next few weeks.
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For the widespread violence that has followed Benazir Bhutto's assassination
has brought into stark relief a country nudging ever closer to the abyss of
all-out civil war.

The fact that Miss Bhutto's enraged supporters destroyed 11 of the electoral
commission's district offices was indicative of the mounting contempt they
feel for the whole democratic process, which is hardly surprising given the
treatment she received in Islamabad from the moment her return from exile in
London was first mooted.

After surviving a suicide bomb attack on her welcome-home parade, she was
then placed under house arrest and banned from appearing in televised
election broadcasts. When the former restriction was lifted, after protests
from the American State Department and British Foreign Office, the latter
obliged her to confine her campaigning to public rallies.

She eventually met her death attending one such meeting at the garrison town
of Rawalpindi, the headquarters of former General Musharraf's beloved army.

At the time her assassins struck, Miss Bhutto was in Liaquat Park, named
after Liaquat Ali Khan, the country's first post-independence prime minister
who was murdered in 1951 just a few yards from where Miss Bhutto was killed.
The former Rawalpindi jail, where her father, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, was
hanged in 1979, used to be nearby.

Because she was the victim of a suicide bomb attack, the most likely
perpetrators are Islamic extremists linked to al-Qa'eda. Indeed, an
al-Qa'eda spokesman has already claimed responsibility, boasting that the
terror group had "terminated the most precious American asset".

But the murky relationship between Pakistan's military establishment and
Islamist terror cells is well documented, and the team of Scotland Yard
detectives drafted in to investigate Miss Bhutto's death faces a daunting
task trying to establish the real motive for her murder.

This is the third time Scotland Yard's finest have been invited to Pakistan
to look into politics-related murders, and if their past experiences are
anything to go by, the chances of them nailing the culprit are not
promising.

In 1951, having been invited to investigate Liaquat Ali Khan's murder, they
were unceremoniously asked to leave the country before their inquiries were
complete, and the case closed.

In 1996 Inspector Knacker returned to Pakistan to consider the death of
Murtaza Bhutto, who was killed in a gunfight outside his Karachi home. Miss
Bhutto was prime minister at the time, but when her government was sacked
for corruption, the British detectives were also sent packing without
completing their inquiries.

Yesterday Mr Musharraf added to the intrigue concerning her death when he
told a press conference that he was not "fully satisfied" with the Pakistani
investigation into her murder, and said that uncertainty remained over the
exact cause of her death. The Bhutto plot thickens.

But who killed Benazir is arguably of less concern for Pakistan's long-term
survival than how the country ultimately comes to terms with this latest
political assassination.

Bilawal Bhutto, a 19-year-old Oxford undergraduate who now succeeds his
murdered mother as leader of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), spoke of
democracy being the best revenge for his mother's death.

But under the Pakistani constitution, it will be another six years before he
can contest an election, and in the meantime real political power within the
PPP lies with his father, Asif Zardari, who has served an eight-year jail
sentence for corruption.

Had the elections been held next week as originally scheduled, it is likely
the PPP would have benefited from a pro-Benazir sympathy vote.

Instead the bitter feuding between rival camps within the 700,000-strong
Bhutto tribe is, if anything, likely to damage the party's reputation by the
time the February polls take place as Mumtaz Bhutto, the clan's 74-year-old
leader, continues to dispute Bilawal's appointment in favour of Benazir's
younger sister, Sanam.

Had the PPP not been so beholden to the whim of the Bhutto tribe, then by
rights the party's leadership should have gone to Aitzaz Ahsan, a popular
figure in the lawyers' movement who was keen to modernise the Sindh-based
party in favour of one with genuine national appeal, but being both a
Punjabi and non-Bhutto, he stood no chance.

By comparison, the one politician to enhance his standing in the past week
is Mr Sharif, who proved himself to have the qualities of a true statesman
when he put his long-standing rivalries with the Bhutto clan to one side and
visited Miss Bhutto as she lay dying in hospital.

It is gestures such as this that suggest Pakistan is still capable of
healing the wounds of the past, and Mr Sharif's decision to contest
February's election means he should now be given serious consideration as a
future prime minister.

When Mr Sharif originally returned from exile, Mr Musharraf made it clear
the ban would remain on him returning to public life, and packed him off to
Saudi Arabia. But with Miss Bhutto out of the picture and the Bhutto tribe
in disarray, Mr Musharraf is rapidly running out of viable options.

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