Posted by Eugene Volokh:
More on Academic Freedom and Fundraisers / Policymakers / Institutional Public 
Faces:
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2007_09_09-2007_09_15.shtml#1189707183


   As I mentioned [1]yesterday, I think canceling the Chemerinsky UCI
   deanship plans was a big mistake on the UC's part. There are also
   credible claims that the decision might violate state law (a
   complicated matter, which I might blog about later).

   But the incident also raises a broader question: What role do the
   First Amendment and academic freedom principles have in choosing deans
   (or for that matter university presidents)? May higher-ups consider a
   person's speech, politics, or political activism in deciding whether
   to hire, fire, or reappoint him as dean? May higher-ups constrain what
   a dean says while he's a dean, as well as considering his past
   statements when deciding whether to make him dean? Or should academic
   freedom principles bar such considerations, much as they generally do
   as to professors? Let me pass along my tentative thinking.

   1. Remember that, especially these days, deans and presidents are in
   large part fundraisers. To be effective at that job, they have to deal
   well with donors; being controversial may often undermine that.

   Deans and presidents are also the main public faces of the
   institution. There are many professors at the institution, and it's
   easy to dismiss a professor's controversial statements as entirely his
   own, entirely unendorsed by the institution. One can't do that as to a
   dean or a president; what he has said or is saying is going to rub off
   on the public perception of the institution.

   And deans and presidents are policymakers -- policymakers whose policy
   decisions may often affect political matters (for instance, if they
   authorize the creation of various public interest litigation clinics,
   or adopt certain policies about admissions, military recruitment on
   campus, and the like). Higher-ups, donors, and members of the public
   will infer what policies the dean will make from the dean's past
   political statements.

   2. Professors, on the other hand, are not chiefly fundraisers from the
   public. (To the extent they raise funds, they tend to do it through
   grants, a process that focuses far more on evaluation of academic
   proposals and on scholarly reputation -- and perhaps on personal
   contacts -- than does decanal fundraising.) Each professor is one of
   many, and professors are notoriously lone wolves who often disagree
   with each other as well as with the administration. Professors are not
   primarily policymakers.

   Moreover, professors' job is to come up with ideas, including highly
   controversial ones and ones that may well be wrong. I'd much rather
   have a faculty of 20 scholars who come up with controversial and
   innovative but sound ideas plus 20 who come up with controversial and
   innovative but unsound ideas, than a faculty of 40 who come up with
   sound but banal ideas. The first faculty will contribute 20 scholars'
   important ideas to the storehouse of human knowledge, and those ideas
   can then enrich the work of scholars and others worldwide. The second
   will contribute 40 scholars' minor ideas, which will be largely
   unhelpful. Deans and presidents are also supposed to be innovative,
   but much less so: A failed innovation applied to an institution by its
   leader causes much more damage than a failed law review article does.

   This is why a brilliant but erratic and controversial scholar is great
   to have; a brilliant but erratic and controversial dean is generally
   not. A bland, uncontroversial dean will often do a very good job, and
   sometimes an excellent job (though perhaps not a genius job). Someone
   who writes bland, uncontroversial scholarship isn't much of an asset
   as a scholar.

   3. So the main reasons for protecting professors' (and students')
   academic freedom do not generally apply to dean. And there are the
   same time good reasons for considering a decanal applicant's speech,
   activism, and general controversiality, given that a dean's job is not
   inventing brilliant ideas, but rather chiefly raising funds, making
   institutional policy, and being the institution's public face.

   Thus, if you want to get contributions from a largely liberal donor
   pool, you might well prefer a liberal dean, and strongly prefer
   someone whose public image is of someone who is somewhere between left
   and very slightly right (or apolitical). If you want to get
   contributions from a largely conservative pool, you might prefer a
   conservative dean, and strongly prefer someone whose public image is
   of someone who is somewhere between right and very slightly left (or
   apolitical). If you want to get contributions from a mixed pool, you
   might strongly prefer someone whose public image is of someone who is
   between moderate liberal and moderate conservative (or apolitical).

   Likewise, you might want to set aside a person's past speech, but at
   least have some indications that he will avoid highly controversial
   subjects during his tenure. Or you might focus more on the style of a
   person's arguments than the substance, on the theory that donors and
   others will be more likely to be alienated by people who have a
   reputation as being strident in their views.

   Similarly, if a dean says something highly controversial -- whether
   about identity group topics such as race, religion, sex, or sexual
   orientation, or about other controversial topics -- his higher-ups may
   conclude that it is better to fire him, or at least quietly ease him
   out or decline to reappoint him. Such a decision may be eminently
   proper (even if in some situations tactically foolish or an
   overreaction), even if a similar decision about a professor would be
   quite wrong.

   Naturally, some decanal hiring decisions may still be too
   narrow-minded, or otherwise foolish. And, as I've said, the way the
   decisions are made and publicized may well be extraordinarily
   counterproductive, [2]as they seem to have been here. But the First
   Amendment and academic freedom standards for them must be vastly
   different than the standards for hiring professors.

References

   1. http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2007_09_09-2007_09_15.shtml#1189636190
   2. http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2007_09_09-2007_09_15.shtml#1189636190

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