Posted by Ilya Somin:
Measuring Ideological "Activism" in Supreme Court Justices' Decisions to 
Overrule Regulatory Agency Actions:
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2007_10_21-2007_10_27.shtml#1193252908


   Cass Sunstein is a top-rank scholar, and I always learn a lot from his
   work, even when I think he is ultimately wrong. Unfortunately,
   however, I fear [1]his recent study (coauthored with Thomas Miles) of
   judicial "activism" in Supreme Court justices' votes on cases
   reviewing federal regulatory agency decisions doesn't tell us as much
   about the subject as one might like. There are three major problems:
   the way they analyze agency decisions, the failure to consider the
   possibility that there are centrist ideologies as well as "liberal"
   and "conservative" ones, and their interpretation of Justice Stephen
   Breyer's record (the justice they claim is the most "restrained").

   Essentially, Miles and Sunstein first code each agency decision as
   "liberal" or "conservative" (e.g. - a decision to reject an
   environmental group's claim that a regulation isn't broad enough is
   "conservative"), and then try to determine how "activist" each justice
   is by seeing how often they vote to overrule agency decisions. Lastly,
   they measure how ideologically "biased" the justices are by
   determining how often each one voted to overrule "conservative"
   decisions versus "liberal" ones. Justice Kennedy comes out as the most
   ideologically "neutral" justice because he voted to overrule
   conservative agency decisions about as often as liberal ones, while
   Breyer comes out as the most "restrained" (because he was the least
   likely to vote to overrule agencies overall).

   Here are my three reservations about this framework:

   I. What about the Distribution of Agency Errors?

   When the Supreme Court reviews agency actions, what they are trying to
   do is determine whether the agency erred in its interpretation of the
   federal statute that grants it the regulatory authority in question.
   Miles and Sunstein implicitly assume that agencies are equally likely
   to err in a conservative direction or a liberal one. Thus, if Justice
   Thomas votes to overrule liberal decisions far more often than
   conservative ones, that shows his ideological "bias" in a conservative
   direction. However, if agencies are more likely to err in a liberal
   direction than a conservative one - then perhaps his voting pattern
   simply reflects the distribution of agency errors, not Thomas'
   ideological biases. Maybe Thomas is the only one fully able to set
   aside his own biases and focus only on the "true" pattern of agency
   behavior. Miles and Sunstein's approach can't rule this possibility
   out. And the same goes for Justice Stevens' apparent tendency to
   overrule conservative decisions far more often than liberal ones;
   perhaps that's just a reflection of the agencies' pattern of errors
   (which may tilt more in a conservative direction), not Stevens'
   biases. I won't go into detail here, but there are many theories of
   agency behavior that posit that liberal errors are more common than
   conservative ones or vice versa. II. What about Centrist Ideologies?

   Miles and Sunstein's framework assumes that there are liberal and
   conservative ideological biases, but doesn't consider the possibility
   of centrist biases. Thus, Justice Kennedy is seen as ideologically
   "neutral" because he votes equally often to strike liberal and
   conservative agency decisions. But let's assume for a moment that
   Kennedy is an ideological centrist, and all he cares about is
   enforcing that ideology against agency decisions that deviate "too
   much" from his centrist preferences. He's willing to strike down both
   deviations in a conservative direction and those that go in a liberal
   one. Commitment to imposing ideological centrism could explain
   Kennedy's voting record just as readily as ideological "neutrality." I
   don't myself know which of these explanations is accurate (perhaps
   neither is). But the Miles-Sunstein methodology can't distinguish
   between them.

   III. The Special Case of Justice Breyer.

   Miles and Sunstein praise Justice Breyer as "the champion of modesty
   and restraint" because he is the least likely to vote to strike down
   agency actions overall. Perhaps Breyer deserves this praise. However,
   it's important to remember that Breyer has a strong ideological
   commitment to regulatory agency autonomy. In various writings, such as
   his 1993 book [2]Breaking the Vicious Circle, Breyer has argued that
   regulatory agencies staffed by expert bureaucrats should be given
   greater autonomy in order to insulate them from what he regards as
   harmful pressure from the democratic process. He also believes (for
   similar reasons) that they should to a large extent be insulated from
   judicial review. Breyer is a leading defender of [3]the "rule of
   experts" theory of governance. This belief is no less an ideological
   commitment than is a belief in conservatism, liberalism, or centrism.

   Is Breyer's apparent reluctance to overrule regulatory agency actions
   driven by "modesty and restraint" or by his ideological commitment to
   governance by expert bureaucrats relatively insulated from outside
   control? I honestly don't know the answer; quite possibly both factors
   are at work. Or maybe neither is. But Miles and Sunstein's methodology
   can't distinguish between the two.

References

   1. 
http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/la-oe-sunstein22oct22,0,5512088.story?coll=la-opinion-rightrail
   2. 
http://www.amazon.com/Breaking-Vicious-Circle-Effective-Regulation/dp/0674081153
   3. http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2007_05_27-2007_06_02.shtml#1180426706

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