Posted by Jonathan Adler:
Symposium on "Big Business and the Roberts Court":
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_01_18-2009_01_24.shtml#1232678373


   Tomorrow I will be participating in the Santa Clara Law Review
   symposium on [1]"Big Business and the Roberts Court: Explaining the
   Court's Receptiveness to Business Interests." Jeffrey Rosen, whose NYT
   magazine article [2]"Supreme Court, Inc." no doubt helped inspire the
   conference, will deliver the keynote address tomorrow afternoon. (We
   discussed Rosen's article on the VC [3]here.) [4]Additional speakers
   include litigators and academics including Tracey George (Vanderbilt),
   Pam Karlan (Stanford), and Vikram Amar (UC Davis), among others.

   In my remarks I will raise questions about what it means to say that
   the Roberts Court is substantively "pro-business," and take a closer
   look at the various environmental cases decided by the Roberts Court.
   If the Court is meaningfully pro-business, one might expect that the
   Court would be hostile to environmental regulation or at least
   sympathetic to business challenges to regulatory measures. Yet no such
   tendency is visible in the environmental decisions rendered by the
   Roberts Court thus far. If there is evidence that the Roberts Court is
   "pro-business," the evidence must be found elsewhere.

   I addressed the broader claim that the Roberts Court is pro-business
   in Part III of [5]my response to Erwin Chemerinsky's [6]article on the
   first three years of the Roberts Court. Chemerinsky argued that the
   Roberts Court has shown itself to be particularly pro-business, and
   here is a portion of my response.

     Dean Chemerinsky is likely correct that, in important respects, the
     Roberts Court could be seen as �pro-business.� But this is not
     because the Court has been particularly aggressive in striking down
     government regulation or erecting constitutional barriers to
     economic regulation. This is no pre-New Deal Court. Nor is the
     Court�s apparent solicitude for business concerns particularly
     rigid or ideological. To the contrary, the results in most business
     law cases are quite lopsided, and rarely the result of an
     ideological division on the Court. In this area, 5-4 cases are the
     exception, not the rule. . . .

     Business-related cases appear to occupy a major share of the
     Roberts Court�s shrunken docket � over one-third of the cases
     accepted and argued in each of the past three terms. It also
     appears that business advocates have had a relatively successful
     run of late. In OT 2006, for example, the litigation arm of the
     U.S. Chamber of Commerce filed briefs in fifteen cases, winning
     thirteen. This may be evidence that the business community has
     tremendous influence on the Court. Or it may indicate that its
     attorneys are particularly good at picking winners and marshaling
     the organization�s resources for those cases in which it can have
     the greatest impact.

     Some call the Court �pro-business� because there is no crusading
     liberal or �progressive� justice on the Court. There is no justice
     ready to follow William O. Douglas� counsel to �bend the law in
     favor of the environment and against the corporations.� But this,
     in itself, does not make the Court pro-business, particularly as
     there are no justices on the Court ready to do the opposite.
     Rather, most justices appear to approach the majority of business
     law cases as legal questions deserving of careful legal analysis
     and resolution in accordance with the dictates of law. With the
     exception of the punitive damages cases, the Court�s business
     docket focuses on statutory matters in which Congress retains the
     upper hand. Most cases require the Court to interpret or apply and
     enforce legislative accommodations, and leave Congress ample room
     to correct course. . . .

     To the extent the Roberts Court is pro-business, it is so not
     because it has embraced an aggressive agenda to impose
     constitutional constraints on the government�s power to regulate
     economic activity or to rewrite the law to favor business
     interests. . . . Rather, the Roberts Court can be called
     pro-business insofar as it is sympathetic to some basic business
     oriented legal claims, reads statutes narrowly, resists finding
     implied causes of action, has adopted a skeptical view of antitrust
     complaints, and does not place its finger on the scales to assist
     non-business litigants.

   I look forward to tomorrow's conference and (time-permitting) hope to
   blog some highlights.

References

   1. http://law.scu.edu/lawreview/symposium.cfm
   2. 
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/16/magazine/16supreme-t.html?ei=5124&en=d190df9f4b5bdc61&ex=1363492800&partner=permalink&exprod=permalink&pagewanted=all
   3. http://volokh.com/posts/chain_1205805605.shtml
   4. http://law.scu.edu/lawreview/2009-symposium-speaker-biographies.cfm
   5. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1307177
   6. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1280276

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