Posted by Jonathan Adler:
The Stimulus and the Spending Clause:
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_03_01-2009_03_07.shtml#1236122945


   Several governors may reject some portion of the stimulus funding for
   their state. In a recent post, [1]Jack Balkin suggests that �the
   governors' threats to refuse federal money actually help establish the
   constitutionality of the stimulus bill, and its proposed bargain of
   federal funding in return for state regulatory obligations.� He
   writes:

     if one or more states seriously suggests that they may refuse some
     or all of the stimulus money because of the federal strings
     attached, this tends to demonstrate that the stimulus bill is a
     constitutional exercise of the spending power: it is evidence that
     pressure to accept federal monies has not turned into compulsion,
     that a genuine offer is being made and that each state can still
     freely decide whether or not to accept the money.

   I disagree, as I explain below.

   ([2]Click for rest of post.)

   Under [3]South Dakota v. Dole, the Court identified four primary
   constraints on Congress� use of conditional federal spending to induce
   state action. First, the appropriation of funds must be for the
   �general welfare,� as determined by Congress, and not for a narrow
   special interest. Second, there can be no independent constitutional
   bar to the condition imposed upon the federal spending. In other
   words, Congress may not seek to use the spending power to induce
   states to engage in conduct that would otherwise be unconstitutional.
   Third, any conditions imposed upon the receipt of federal funds must
   be clear and unambiguous so as to ensure that recipients of federal
   funds have notice and voluntarily assumed any legal obligations.
   Fourth, �the condition imposed by Congress is directly related to one
   of the main purposes for which . . . funds are expended.� In addition,
   the Dole Court suggests a fifth potential constraint: �in some
   circumstances the financial inducement offered by Congress might be so
   coercive as to pass the point at which �pressure turns into
   compulsion.��

   Of these, only the third and fourth appear to be particularly
   meaningful constraints on federal use of the spending power,
   particularly the former. The �coercion� limit, on the other hand,
   seems to have little independent force. Though successful spending
   clause challenges are rare, states have been successful in lower
   courts challenging federal efforts to impose conditions on the receipt
   of federal funds that were unclear, and some appellate judges have
   expressed a willingness to enforce a relatedness requirement. (I
   summarized some of the relevant cases in [4]"Judicial Federalism and
   the Future of Federal Environmental Regulation," 90 Iowa Law Review
   377 (2005).) Of note, neither of these conditions is affected in the
   least by whether some states refuse federal money. This does not mean
   the stimulus is unconstitutional. But it also does not mean that the
   decision by some governors to forgo some or all stimulus money has any
   implications for whether the imposition of conditions on receipt of
   federal money in this, or any other, bill is constitutional.

   One potential conflict that could arise is whether governors are
   required to treat the stimulus money as an �all or nothing� offer.
   That is, if a state takes one portion of the stimulus money, it must
   also take money for other things, even if the other money has federal
   strings to which the governor objects. This, some claim, was Congress�
   intent. Senator Schumer, for one, wrote to OMB Director Peter Orszag
   that stimulus funding is [5]all-or-nothing. So, if Governor X takes
   money for highway construction, he would also be required to take
   money for medicare or unemployment insurance, and abide by whatever
   conditions are attached to the latter. I am not so sure of this
   either.

   It seems to me there are two potential objections to this position,
   based upon the third and fourth constraints on conditional spending
   found in Dole. The first is that since the stimulus legislation does
   not contain an explicit provision stating that governors are faced
   with an all-or-nothing choice, the federal government could not now
   impose that condition on them. At the very least, any such condition
   would have to be made explicit, through a regulation perhaps, before
   the first checks are cut. If a challenge were made to an effort to
   impose an �all or nothing� rule, I suspect this would be the stronger
   legal argument states could make.

   A second, admittedly more speculative, objection would be that there
   is not a sufficient relationship between the different portions of the
   stimulus bill, or the conditions placed upon some portions of the bill
   (e.g. the welfare or unemployment insurance provisions) and other
   spending in the bill (e.g. highway funding and construction projects),
   to sustain the imposition of this requirement. A potential
   counter-argument would be that insofar as all of the provisions of the
   bill are meant to stimulate the economy, they are all related to each
   other, even if the conditions imposed on some provisions bear little
   relation to other funding in the bill. Even if one rejects the
   counter-argument, states would be on weaker ground here. Thus far,
   lower federal courts have been reluctant to impose a strict
   relatedness requirement under Dole.

   The other constitutional issue with the stimulus bill that I am still
   wrapping my head around arises from the provision that purports to
   allow a state legislature to bypass a governor�s refusal to accept
   stimulus funds.

     ADDITIONAL FUNDING DISTRIBUTION AND ASSURANCE OF APPROPRIATE USE OF
     FUNDS

     SEC. 1607. (a) Certification by Governor- Not later than 45 days
     after the date of enactment of this Act, for funds provided to any
     State or agency thereof, the Governor of the State shall certify
     that: (1) the State will request and use funds provided by this
     Act; and (2) the funds will be used to create jobs and promote
     economic growth.

     (b) Acceptance by State Legislature- If funds provided to any State
     in any division of this Act are not accepted for use by the
     Governor, then acceptance by the State legislature, by means of the
     adoption of a concurrent resolution, shall be sufficient to provide
     funding to such State.

     (c) Distribution- After the adoption of a State legislature's
     concurrent resolution, funding to the State will be for
     distribution to local governments, councils of government, public
     entities, and public-private entities within the State either by
     formula or at the State's discretion.

   Here I am inclined to agree with Jack that the federal government
   cannot circumvent a state�s internal structure to ensure the
   disbursement of federal funds. If, for instance, a state legislature
   were to pass a concurrent resolution accepting federal funds for the
   state that was subsequently vetoed by a state governor in accordance
   with state law, it seems quite clear to me that federal law could not
   override that determination in a manner inconsistent with state law,
   as state governments are only capable of consenting to the receipt of
   federal funds in accordance with state law. Just as the federal
   government could not, as an initial matter, tell a state government
   that it must expend state funds in a particular manner absent the
   state�s concurrence through the normal means by which a given state�s
   funds are appropriated, the federal government cannot tell a state
   that it must spend federal money in a particular manner, absent the
   state�s concurrence in the same fashion. This, I think, is the logical
   implication of the anti-commandeering bar on regulating states as
   states. The feds can seek to �bribe� the states all they like, but
   they cannot manufacture state consent anymore than the feds can simply
   tell states, as states, what to do (absent a specific constitutional
   mandate).
   ([6]hide)

References

   1. 
http://balkin.blogspot.com/2009/02/offer-republican-governors-can-refuse.html
   2. file://localhost/var/www/powerblogs/volokh/posts/1236122945.html
   3. 
http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=us&vol=483&invol=203
   4. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=690827
   5. 
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/02/24/schumer-to-gop-govs-on-st_n_169411.html
   6. file://localhost/var/www/powerblogs/volokh/posts/1236122945.html

_______________________________________________
Volokh mailing list
[email protected]
http://lists.powerblogs.com/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/volokh

Reply via email to