Posted by Richard Painter, guest-blogging:
One example only:  
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_03_22-2009_03_28.shtml#1238270722


   I am not going to go through each of the "torture memos" and point out
   where each one appears well off the mark. I will give just one example
   of the type of analysis that should make someone stop and think.

   One of the memos reads

   �As we have made clear in other opinions involving the war against al
   Qaeda, the Nation�s right to self defense was triggered by the events
   of September 11. If a government defendant were to harm an enemy
   combatant during an interrogation in a manner that might arguably
   violate a criminal prohibition, he would be doing so in order to
   prevent further attacks on the United States by the al Qaeda terrorist
   network. In that case, we believe that he could argue that the
   executive branch�s constitutional authority to protect the nation from
   attack justified his actions. The national and the international
   version of the right to self defense could supplement and bolster the
   government defendant�s individual right.�

   March 14, 2003 Memorandum from OLC to William J. Haynes II, General
   Counsel of the Department of Defense.

   This can�t possibly be right. Many wars and other military engagements
   arise out of one side attacking the other and the need to respond so
   there will be no more attacks. Yet inflicting physical harm on
   prisoners during interrogation is widely believed to be contrary to
   the laws of war.

   If the OLC reasoning had been the standard in World War II, we would
   have tortured Japanese soldiers if by doing so we could obtain
   information that would help us prevent further attacks on the United
   States. The United States did not do that, and the White House did not
   ask OLC for an opinion saying that we could. President Roosevelt asked
   the Justice Department for a lot of other dubious opinions in his
   years in office, but not that one.

   It is true that the memo only states that a government agent, if
   charged with torture, could �argue� this as a defense. He could. This
   is also a lousy argument and the memo does not point that out. I fail
   to see why people at the highest levels of the United States
   government would be interested in hearing from OLC what specious
   arguments could be made by a government agent in defense of otherwise
   illegal conduct.

   Even more shocking, there is no further discussion on this argument.
   There is not even an attempt to answer questions that are obvious to
   the most casual reader. The paragraph quoted above is instead followed
   directly by a short three paragraph conclusion, the last sentence of
   which simply states that �necessity or self defense could provide
   justifications for any criminal liability.�

   One does not have to be an expert in international law, or even a
   lawyer, to read this and know that something is wrong. The most basic
   questions about this �self defense� argument are not answered. This
   dog does not hunt.

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