Posted by Eugene Volokh:
More on the Slippery Slope to Same-Sex Marriage:
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_04_05-2009_04_11.shtml#1238948132


   (This post returns to some points I'd made earlier about the
   California, Massachusetts, and Vermont same-sex marriage/civil union
   decisions, and applies them to the Iowa case.)

   Like some earlier decisions striking down opposite-sex-only-marriage
   rules, the [1]Iowa Supreme Court decision helps illustrate what I call
   "[2]legislative-judicial slippery slopes" -- the tendency of some
   legislative decisions to affect future judicial decisions, even
   judicial decisions that cover territory considerably beyond the
   original statute.

   Now this tendency is often pooh-poohed when the initial legislative
   decision takes place -- and of course that makes sense, because the
   decision's backers want to argue that the decision is quite narrow.
   Thus, for instance, consider:

    1. Editorial, A Vote Against Hate, Louisville Courier-J., Feb. 3,
       1994, at 6A, arguing that the claim that a hate crime law "would
       lead to acceptance of gay marriages" was "arrant nonsense."
    2. Editorial, A Gay-Protection Forum, Boston Globe, Oct. 15, 1989, at
       A30: "Nor does passage of the bill [that bans sexual orientation
       discrimination in various commercial transactions] put
       Massachusetts on a 'slippery slope' toward [same-sex marriage or
       domestic benefit] rights."
    3. Phil Pitchford, Council Members Wary of Partner Registry,
       Riverside Press-Enterprise (quoting Riverside Human Relations
       Commission member Kay Smith): "Those that truly have a problem
       with homosexuality will see [a domestic partnership proposal] as
       part of the 'slippery slope' [toward same-sex marriages] .... But,
       this legislation needs to be looked at on the face value of what
       it is, and it really does very little."

   Yet consider how the Iowa Supreme Court used the legislative enactment
   of these sorts of laws as part of its basis for deciding that the
   right to marry should be seen as encompassing same-sex marriage (some
   paragraph breaks added):

     A second relevant consideration [in deciding whether discrimination
     based on a characteristic should be closely scrutinized by courts]
     is whether the characteristic at issue -- sexual orientation -- is
     related to the person�s ability to contribute to society.
     Heightened scrutiny is applied when the classification bears no
     relationship to a person�s ability to contribute to society. The
     existence of this factor indicates the classification is likely
     based on irrelevant stereotypes and prejudice. A classification
     unrelated to a person�s ability to perform or contribute to society
     typically reflects �prejudice and antipathy -- a view that those in
     the burdened class are not as worthy or deserving as others� or
     �reflect[s] outmoded notions of the relative capabilities of
     persons with the characteristic.�

     Not surprisingly, none of the same-sex marriage decisions from
     other state courts around the nation have found a person�s sexual
     orientation to be indicative of the person�s general ability to
     contribute to society. More importantly, the Iowa legislature has
     recently declared as the public policy of this state that sexual
     orientation is not relevant to a person�s ability to contribute to
     a number of societal institutions other than civil marriage. See
     Iowa Code § 216.6 (employment); id. § 216.7 (public
     accommodations); id. § 216.8 (housing); id. § 216.9 (education);
     id. § 216.10 (credit practices). [Footnote: The legislature has
     further indicated the irrelevancy of sexual orientation by
     mandating sex education in the state�s public schools be free of
     biases relating to sexual orientation, Iowa Code § 279.50, and by
     securing personal freedom from violence and intimidation due to
     sexual orientation, id. § 729A.1. Likewise, numerous state
     administrative regulations indicate sexual orientation is not
     relevant to a person�s ability to contribute to society. See Iowa
     Admin. Code r. 191-48.9 (prohibiting discrimination in making or
     solicitation of viatical settlement contracts on basis of sexual
     orientation); id. r. 281-12 (preamble) (ensuring access to
     education meeting child�s needs and abilities regardless of sexual
     orientation); id. r. 281-12.1 (ordering equal opportunity in
     educational programs regardless of sexual orientation); id. r.
     281-12.3 (ordering school boards to consider the potential
     disparate impact of student responsibility and discipline policies
     on students because of students� sexual orientation); id. r.
     281-68.4 (prohibiting discrimination in admission process to public
     charter schools based on sexual orientation); id. r. 282-25.3
     (labeling denial of participation in benefits of educational
     program based on sexual orientation an �unethical practice�); id.
     r. 282-26.3 (prohibiting licensed educators from discriminating
     based on sexual orientation); id. r. 641-131.7 (allowing public
     health department to take numerous adverse actions against
     emergency medical care personnel who �practice, condone, or
     facilitate� discrimination against a patient on the basis of sexual
     orientation); id. r. 641-131.8 (allowing public health department
     to take numerous adverse actions against training program or
     continuing education providers who �practice, condone, or
     facilitate� discrimination against a patient on the basis of sexual
     orientation); id. r. 641-132.10 (allowing denial, probation,
     revocation, and suspension of authorized emergency medical service
     programs that discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation); id.
     r. 645-282.2 (prohibiting licensed social workers from
     discriminating on the basis of sexual orientation); id. r.
     645-363.2 (providing that sexual-orientation-based discrimination
     by sign language interpreters or transliterators is unethical); id.
     r. 657-3.28 (providing that sexual-orientation�based discrimination
     by pharmacy technicians is unethical); id. r. 657-8.11 (same for
     licensed pharmacies, licensed pharmacists, and registered
     pharmacistinterns); id. r. 661-81.2 (prohibiting entrance of
     information regarding sexual orientation into Iowa law enforcement
     intelligence network information system in most circumstances).]

     Significantly, we do not construe Iowa Code chapter 216 to allow
     marriage between persons of the same sex, a construction expressly
     forbidden in the Iowa Code. See id. § 216.18A (�[Chapter 216]
     shall not be construed to allow marriage between persons of the
     same sex, in accordance with chapter 595.�). Rather, we merely
     highlight the reality that chapter 216 and numerous other statutes
     and regulations demonstrate sexual orientation is broadly
     recognized in Iowa to be irrelevant to a person�s ability to
     contribute to society. [Footnote: Other federal and state authority
     supports such a conclusion. See Kerrigan, 957 A.2d at 435 (relying
     on Connecticut statutes banning discrimination based on sexual
     orientation �in every important economic and social institution and
     activity that the government regulates�); cf. Frontiero, 411 U.S.
     at 687 (Brennan, J., plurality opinion) (interpreting congressional
     protections against gender discrimination as suggesting legislative
     determination such classifications are �inherently invidious� and
     implying significance of �conclusion of coequal branch of
     Government� in deciding whether to apply heightened scrutiny).]
     Those statutes and regulations reflect at least some measure of
     legislative and executive awareness that discrimination based on
     sexual orientation is often predicated on prejudice and stereotype
     and further express a desire to remove sexual orientation as an
     obstacle to the ability of gay and lesbian people to achieve their
     full potential.

     Therefore, we must scrutinize more closely those classifications
     that suggest a law may be based on prejudice and stereotype because
     laws of that nature are �incompatible with the constitutional
     understanding that each person is to be judged individually and is
     entitled to equal justice under the law.� Thus, although we do not
     interpret chapter 216 to allow same-sex marriage, we rely on the
     legislative judgment underlying chapter 216 to determine the
     appropriate level of scrutiny when sexual orientation is the basis
     for a statutory classification. Based on Iowa statutes and
     regulations, it is clear sexual orientation is no longer viewed in
     Iowa as an impediment to the ability of a person to contribute to
     society.

   Similar arguments were made by [3]the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial
   Court and the Vermont Supreme Court, and by the [4]California Supreme
   Court, when they decided that their state constitutions should be read
   as recognizing a right to same-sex marriage (Massachusetts and
   California) and same-sex domestic partnership benefits (Vermont).

   Of course, some people might like this slippery slope, because they
   like what's on the bottom. (See Deb Price, Marriage Is the Only
   Acceptable Option, S.J. Mercury News, May 23, 2002: "When Hawaii's
   steps toward legalizing gay marriage led to a backlash in Congress and
   many states in the mid-'90s, some gay-rights advocates felt the need
   to pooh-pooh the 'slippery slope' argument by foes that we'd
   ultimately try to push beyond any piecemeal rights thrown our way and
   would be satisfied with nothing less than full marriage. But not
   anymore. 'Our foes kept saying, 'This is a slippery slope to
   marriage,' and we kept nodding our heads, 'Yep,'' says [Anne]
   Stanback, unabashedly embracing marriage as the goal, just as do the
   movement's two top political groups, the Human Rights Campaign and the
   National Gay and Lesbian Task Force.") I myself support recognition of
   same-sex marriage as a policy matter. Still others may disapprove of
   the bottom of the slope, but might see some of the steps down it as
   morally imperative.

   But it seems to me that decisions such as the ones in California,
   Connecticut, Iowa, Massachusetts, and Vermont ones illustrate that
   it's a mistake to just factually dismiss the claims that slippage is
   possible. When we're dealing with a legal system that's built on
   analogy and precedent (both binding precedent and persuasive
   precedent), the possibility of a slippery slope has to be taken
   seriously.

   And this is true even though the past decisions are distinguishable
   from a future one. Employment discrimination laws, for instance, are
   not the same as same-sex marriage. Legislative decisions are not the
   same as constitutional ones. It was certainly possible to draw the
   line between legislative decisions to ban private discrimination in
   employment and judicial decisions to ban governmental discrimination
   in deciding who may marry. That two matters are distinguishable does
   not mean that they will be distinguished by future decisionmakers. And
   in fact they may influence future decisionmakers even when the earlier
   decision expressly disclaims any attempt to accomplish what the later
   decision did, as was the case with the Iowa antidiscrimination
   statutes, which expressly said that they "shall not be construed to
   allow marriage between persons of the same sex." Though they
   themselves weren't construed as allowing same-sex marriage, they were
   indeed construed as a data point in favor of a constitutional decision
   allowing same-sex marriage.

   So people who worry about slippery slopes generally -- and who worry
   about slippery slopes in the field of sexual orientation and the law
   -- can't be lightly dismissed. And it is reasonable for them to worry:
   If we have gotten this far partly through [5]slippery slope effects,
   will we slip further, and to what? In particular, would this increase
   the likelihood of further broadening of antidiscrimination laws? Would
   it increase the likelihood that groups (such as the Boy Scouts) that
   discriminate based on sexual orientation will be excluded from tax
   exemptions, just as groups that discriminate based on race are often
   excluded from tax exemptions? Would it increase the likelihood that
   such groups will be excluded from generally available benefits?

   Would it increase the likelihood of broader restrictions on
   anti-homosexuality speech -- in government-run organizations, or in
   private organizations coerced by government pressure -- by analogy to
   the broad support in many areas for restrictions on sexist speech?
   Would it increase the likelihood of restrictions on people's choosing
   roommates based partly on sexual orientation, or advertising such
   preferences in "roommates wanted" ads? Would it increase the
   likelihood of punishment of wedding photographers who refuse to
   photograph same-sex weddings (even if they have religious objections
   to participating this way in such ceremonies, and even if they feel
   that requiring them to photographing same-sex weddings compels them to
   create artistic works that they do not wish to create)? Would it
   increase the likelihood that legislatures will repeal religious
   institutions' partial exemptions from some bans on sexual orientation
   discrimination in employment?

   Perhaps some of this would have already been the case under Iowa
   statutes -- such restrictions are primarily the consequences of
   antidiscrimination statutes, not of same-sex marriage as such. And the
   conclusion that the government generally may not discriminate based on
   sexual orientation is distinguishable from a conclusion that private
   entities generally may not discriminate based on sexual orientation,
   or that individuals may not say things that create an "offensive
   environment" based on sexual orientation. But as we saw, that two
   things are distinguishable does not mean that they will be
   distinguished, and a governmental judgment in one field may be used by
   other governmental decisionmakers as a reason to push further in
   another field, whether in interpreting a vague statute, enacting a new
   statute, or repealing an exemption in an old statute. And such
   decisions can have effects on other states as well: Consider the Iowa
   Supreme Court's extensive citations to similar decisions in other
   states, which I suspect considerably emboldened the Iowa Justices.

   So I stress again: Perhaps such slippage would be good, or even if it
   isn't good, the same-sex marriage decision is so good that it should
   be embraced regardless of the risk of slippage. But I don't think it's
   credible at this point to just casually dismiss the possibility of
   slippage in this area, given how many slippery slope effects we have
   already seen.

References

   1. http://www.desmoinesregister.com/assets/pdf/D213209243.PDF
   2. http://www.law.ucla.edu/volokh/slipperyshorter.pdf
   3. 
http://www.volokh.com/archives/archive_2005_08_14-2005_08_20.shtml#1124298617
   4. file://localhost/archives/archive_2008_05_11-2008_05_17.shtml#1210877596
   5. http://www.law.ucla.edu/volokh/marriage.pdf

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