Posted by Kenneth Anderson:
Targeted Killing in US Counterterrorism Strategy and Law:
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_05_31-2009_06_06.shtml#1244327954


   In the last couple of years, much of my research and writing has been
   devoted to the law and ethics of war, and with particular focus on
   targeted killing, the concept of who may be targeted on the
   battlefield for taking "direct part in hostilities," and robotics on
   the battlefield. These issues come together in the Predator drone
   campaign in Pakistan - a centerpiece of the counterterrorism and
   counterinsurgency campaign that Candidate Obama ran on and his
   administration has embraced as the 'smaller footprint' of warfare.

   I am in favor of targeted killing, the drone campaign in Pakistan, and
   these forms of increasingly targeted warfare. The Obama administration
   was right to emphasize them in the campaign and right to see them as a
   means of more discriminating warfare. It is a tragedy when a dozen
   innocents are killed in a drone missile attack - but much, much more
   of one when a military undertakes its activities using artillery. I
   spent a chunk of my NGO career urging the United States to give up
   landmines as indiscriminate weapons and to focus its military R&D on
   coming up not with more destructive weapons, but more discriminating
   ones. Well, to a considerable extent, it is doing so through robotics,
   and I find it churlish at best for the humanitarian and human rights
   groups to turn around and denounce these weapons in their turn. There
   is a principle behind it - but the principle is merely functional
   pacifism, the denunciation of the US using force that does not quite
   have the courage to speak its name.

   That said, I have grave concerns that the Obama administration does
   not take sufficient account that even as its appreciation of its
   strategic, including humanitarian, use grows, the space of its legal
   rationale shrinks. We are potentially seeing a coming train wreck
   between the Obama administration and the international "soft-law"
   community - the NGOs and advocacy organizations, law professors and
   academics, UN officials, European governments including their
   universal jurisdiction prosecutors - over these issues. Or, worse,
   perhaps the Obama administration sees the coming train wreck, and
   figures that it can kick the can down the road to get past the next
   eight years and then let a Republican administration take the heat.

   I have written a paper on the topic (shameless self-promotion, but
   this topic is important) which has just been posted as a [1]working
   paper to SSRN and to the [2]Working Paper series on national security
   of Brookings; it will appear as a chapter in a book Benjamin Wittes,
   ed., Legislating the War on Terror: An Agenda for Reform (Brookings
   Institution Press 2009).

   ([3]show)

   The lineup of authors in the book is stellar - David Kris, Stuart
   Taylor, Matthew Waxman, Bobby Chesney, Jack Goldsmith, and many
   others. The authors of the chapters represent a highly informed,
   distinctly centrist approach to the issues of counterterrorism, across
   party lines. The chapters can be [4]downloaded in working paper format
   at the Brookings site, or you can buy the book when it comes out in a
   few months. It is one of the best informed discussions of US domestic
   counterterrorism policy as a matter of legislation available - I
   strongly recommend it.

   As to my paper, well, it is not a law review or scholarly article, it
   is a policy essay, and very blunt advice to the Obama administration
   and the Congress to the effect of "use it or lose it" when it comes to
   targted killing and its legal rationale. If the administration does
   not carefully and firmly assert the traditional US views of
   self-defense in international and US domestic law, it will find it
   much harder to defend strategies that the Obama administration is
   plainly committed to undertaking, with very good reasons. As articles
   go, it does not mince words on what the administration and Congress
   need to do to preserve the legal categories that underpin US
   counterterrorism actions.

   Here is the SSRN abstract; it can [5]downloaded as a pdf from either
   SSRN or the Brookings site, if you're interested:

     Targeted killing, particularly through the use of missiles fired
     from Predator drone aircraft, has become an important, and
     internationally controversial, part of the US war against al Qaeda
     in Pakistan and other places. The Obama administration, both during
     the campaign and in its first months in office, has publicly
     embraced the strategy as a form of counterterrorism. This paper
     argues, however, that unless the Obama administration takes careful
     and assertive legal steps to protect it, targeted killing using
     remote platforms such as drone aircraft will take on greater
     strategic salience precisely as the Obama administration allows the
     legal space for it in international law to shrink.

     Moreover, the paper argues that non-state enemies of the United
     States will not always be al Qaeda or groups covered by Security
     Council resolutions or the US Authorization for the Use of Military
     Force. Eventually there will emerge other threats that do not fall
     within the existing armed conflicts, and the United States is
     likely to seek to address at least some of those threats using its
     inherent rights of self-defense, whether or not a conflict within
     the meaning of international humanitarian law (IHL) and its
     thresholds is underway, and using domestic law authority under the
     statutes establishing the CIA. In that case, a US administration
     seeking to offer a legal rationale justifying its use of targeted
     killing might discover that reliance upon a state of IHL-armed
     conflict does not provide it the robust authority to use force that
     the US has traditionally asserted under its rights of inherent
     self-defense.

     This is a policy paper, not a law review or scholarly article, and
     it offers blunt advice to the Obama administration and the US
     Congress with a particular normative goal in mind - to preserve the
     legal rationales for the use of self-defense in targeted killing,
     whether or not an IHL armed conflict is underway, consistent with
     the positions taken by the United States in the 1980s, and
     culminating with a statement of the US position on self-defense
     against terrorism and targeting terrorists in third-state safe
     havens by then-State Department legal advisor Abraham Sofaer in
     1989. The point of the paper is to urge the Obama administration,
     and offer it advice, on how to preserve the legal category of
     targeted killing as an aspect of inherent rights of self-defense
     and US domestic law.

     As such, this paper runs sharply counter to the dominant trend in
     international law scholarship, which is overwhelmingly hostile to
     the practice. It urges the Obama administration to consider
     carefully ways in which apparently unrelated, broadly admirable
     human rights goals, such as accepting extraterritorial application
     of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, or
     accepting its standards as a complement to the lex specialis of
     IHL, or accepting recent soft-law standards offered by some
     influential NGOs such as the International Committee of the Red
     Cross to define "direct participation in hostilities," have the
     effect of making legally difficult, if not legally impossible, a
     counterterrorism strategy of targeted killing using standoff
     platforms that the Obama administration has correctly embraced as
     both more effective and more discriminating from a humanitarian
     stance. It is frank, practical advice to the Obama administration
     that it must assert the legality of its practices in the face of a
     hostile and influential international soft-law community or risk
     losing the legal rationale for a signature strategy.

     The draft policy paper runs 20,000 words and is a Working Paper of
     the Series on Counterterrorism and American Statutory Law, a
     project of the Brookings Institution, the Georgetown University Law
     Center, and the Hoover Institution, none of whom are responsible
     for the contents of individual papers. A finalized version of the
     paper will appear in Benjamin Wittes, Legislating the War on
     Terror: An Agenda for Reform (Brookings Institution Press 2009).

   ([6]hide)

References

   1. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1415070
   2. http://www.brookings.edu/papers/2009/0511_counterterrorism_anderson.aspx
   3. file://localhost/var/www/powerblogs/volokh/posts/1244327954.html
   4. http://www.brookings.edu/governance/counterterrorism-and-law.aspx
   5. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1415070
   6. file://localhost/var/www/powerblogs/volokh/posts/1244327954.html

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