Posted by Kenneth Anderson:
Proprietary Trading by Citicorp:
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_08_02-2009_08_08.shtml#1249501801


   Andrew Hall, superstar energy trader, has made Citicorp hefty amounts
   of money through the proprietary trading his group (Phibro) undertakes
   in the energy markets. More power to him. The terms of his contract,
   so far as one can tell from news reports, obligate Citicorp to pay him
   something on the order of $100 million, essentially as a percentage of
   the profits from his trades.

   The question, as a [1]WSJ editorial observes today, is not whether
   Citicorp - despite massive government bailout money not related to
   Hall's unit - has an obligation to honor the contract (although
   Citicorp, responding to political pressures, seems to be balking). The
   question is whether Citicorp, as a bank holding company with
   commercial banking units guaranteed by the Federal government, ought
   to be permitted to engage in proprietary trading of the kind that Hall
   undertakes, whether profitably or unprofitably or, in other words,
   ought the bank holding company to be undertaking such risks at all. If
   Citicorp is deemed too big to fail, and with its government guaranteed
   units contributing some part of the capital of the larger corporate
   entity, should it be allowed to engage in proprietary trading of this
   kind in the first place.

   Should Hall be spun off to take his operations elsewhere - somewhere,
   so hopes the Journal editorial, where the possible failure of his
   energy market bets would not involve taxpayer bailouts. Or, in some
   ways worse, the Fannie-Freddie situation of a cost of capital as a
   base from which to place those bets that is not artificially ( and
   eventually, I would add, drawing on the experience of Fannie-Freddie,
   politically) lowered by the presence of the government guarantee?

     [A]n important issue�especially for taxpayers�is whether Citigroup
     ought to own a high-risk trading operation like Phibro. As a bank
     holding company, Citi is funded in part with deposits insured by
     the taxpayer. And we know from painful experience that regulators
     think Citigroup is too big to fail. Citigroup executives and board
     love the revenue and profit that Mr. Hall generates, and they�ve
     left him on a long leash because his risky bets on the direction of
     oil prices have generally paid off. But if those bets go wrong and
     they jeopardize Citigroup, then taxpayers get hit with the bill.

     In Phibro and Citi, we can see writ small the debate over financial
     regulation that took place inside the Obama Administration. Former
     Fed Chairman Paul Volcker has been warning for months that such
     proprietary trading is incompatible�and intolerable�with a taxpayer
     guarantee against failure. But he was opposed by the Obama
     Treasury, White House powerhouse Larry Summers, not to mention the
     ghost of former Treasury Secretary and Citigroup exec Robert Rubin
     and most of Wall Street.

     Mr. Volcker�s advice would have meant restraining bank risk-taking
     in ways that would also limit bank profits. But this is politically
     hard to do in the face of Wall Street opposition. It�s so much
     easier to preach about the wonders of a new �systemic regulator�
     and roar against $100 million bankers. But for all of their
     banker-baiting, Democrats in Washington still want to let the
     biggest banks place enormous bets with taxpayer guarantees.
     High-risk, high-reward businesses play a vital role in the American
     economy, but Fannie Mae should have taught us that disaster for
     taxpayers is inevitable when private reward is combined with
     socialized risk.

   The editorial notes that Paul Volker has been calling such proprietary
   trading by entities that also have related commercial, guaranteed
   banking units a bad idea and something that should be prohibited by
   legislation and regulation. The bank corporations do not want to do
   this, for obvious reasons that it erodes the profits, lowered cost of
   capital, and public insurance against losses. It does not appear that
   a prohibition will make it into the various pieces of financial reform
   legislation proposed by the administration.

   The most interesting part of this, however, is the Journal's
   observation - a view I basically share - that the administration's
   alternative form of regulation is instead to simply treat this as a
   problem of monitoring and avoiding future situations of systemic risk.
   Volker's view amounts to prohibiting an activity that is at the heart
   of creating institutions that are not just too big to fail, but which
   also have an incentive to make bets inappropriate, one might have
   thought, to the risk that the public fisc should be willing to bear
   (viz., the liquidity risk of a run on the bank, rather than the
   solvency risk of leveraged bets induced by distortions of moral
   hazard).

   The administration's proposals in effect kick the can of the
   substantive question down the road, and invest the solution in a vague
   process that depends not upon structurally proper incentives for the
   banks and financial institutions, but instead on the ability of the
   Fed to identify, police, and prevent eruptions of systemic risk as
   they develop. I understand, and sympathize with, the difficulties of
   fending off Wall Street banks and the lobbyists. But this seems to me
   a structural incentives problem that is way, way beyond problems of
   compensation czars and such populist sounding measures that do not
   really get to the heart of the matter here.

   I'd be interested in hearing serious arguments against Volker's
   suggestion to ban proprietary trading by such institutions as
   Citicorp. I realize that there are tradeoffs - there are ways, for
   example, in which the pursuit of trading profits by financial
   institutions mirrors the problems - but also the 'solutions' - of S&Ls
   years ago. I'd be interested to hear of reasons why either proprietary
   trading is not the problem of structural incentives I've here
   suggested, following the WSJ editorial, or why banning it is worse
   than the administration's alternative. The administration's
   alternative seems to me not to address fundamental structural
   incentives, while making the Fed, for yet another gargantuan issue,
   the first and last, remarkably ad hoc, trip wire of protection against
   systemic risk.

References

   1. 
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970204313604574330513636682466.html

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