Posted by Kenneth Anderson:
Thomas Friedman, For One, Welcomes Our New Chinese Creditor Overlords:
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_09_06-2009_09_12.shtml#1252509527


   Because not only does China finance our deficit, it sets an Example of
   Governance and Shows Our Decadent Democracy the Enlightened Autocratic
   Way. In Friedman's hands, China is, dare one say it, nearly a City on
   a Hill. This is [1]quite an op-ed, even for Thomas Friedman and even
   by the historical apologetics of the New York Times:

     One-party autocracy certainly has its drawbacks. But when it is led
     by a reasonably enlightened group of people, as China is today, it
     can also have great advantages. That one party can just impose the
     politically difficult but critically important policies needed to
     move a society forward in the 21st century.

   Friedman does not mean this merely (merely?) in the sense that there
   are better and worse autocrats and dictators. That point was
   forcefully and correctly made by [2]Jeane Kirkpatrick back in
   Dictators and Double-Standards in the 1980s. No, lest anyone
   misunderstand him, Friedman is at pains to emphasize that he is not
   doing a Double-Standards Dictators, Least Worst Alternative analysis
   here. That would be important, as assessing tradeoffs usually is. On
   the contrary, he is deliberately comparing autocracy and democracy,
   and specifically China and the United States, and finding the latter
   wanting by the admirably robust standards of the former. The impasse
   of the American political class over reaching Friedman's
   elite-preferences on everything from health care to climate change,
   and his dismissal of the processes of democracy in favor of China's
   autocratic rule, lead him to this remarkable thought:

     There is only one thing worse than one-party autocracy, and that is
     one-party democracy, which is what we have in America today ... Our
     one-party democracy is worse.

   It is characteristic of Thomas Friedman's thought to move from
   particular issues of policy to sweeping conclusions about the Nature
   of Man and God and the Universe, typically based around some
   attractively packaged metaphor - flat earth, [3]hot earth, etc.
   Rarely, however, has he been quite so clear about the directness of
   the connections he sees between his preferred set of substantive
   outcomes, his contempt for American democratic processes that have,
   despite all, managed to hang in there for, I don't know, a few times
   the length of time between the Cultural Revolution and today, and his
   schoolgirl crush on autocratic elites because they are able to impose
   from above.

   Let me just say for the record that this is a monstrous column. When
   faced with American public defection from elite preferences outcomes
   on certain policy issues that involve many difficult tradeoffs of the
   kind that democracies, with much jostling and argument, are supposed
   to work out among many different groups, Friedman extols the example
   of ... China's political system, because it's both enlightened and
   autocratic? Who among us knew?

   ([4]show)

   I happen to think, persuaded by [5]Sandy Levinson's arguments, that
   the US democratic system has deep structural flaws. Most of them have
   to do with the nature of Congress and its geographical representation;
   I don't buy Sandy's radical solutions in the form of constitutional
   conventions, etc., but I agree with the fundamental diagnosis.
   Congress is the broken institution of American governance. Its
   failures are what put such great pressures on the other branches of
   government. Far too great an emphasis is put on the office of
   president, and its electoral process, precisely because Congress has
   lost its responsiveness. Same for the judiciary, the Supreme Court
   most of all. My own view is that an inherently imperfect
   constitutional structure went from difficult to disastrous with the
   acceptance of Congressional gerrymandering that created a legislature
   of essentially safe seats and a concomittant lack of turnover and
   competitive races.

   But note: that diagnosis is a diagnosis about the political class and
   what is wrong with it, not an indictment of large groups in the public
   who, for good reasons or bad, take the diminishing mechanisms by which
   citizens can make their Elite Public Managers hear, if not respond, to
   their concerns. Friedman is saying something very different, something
   about the nature of elites and their prerogatives to manage, rather
   than lead, and it is a message that, I sorrow to say, is increasingly
   associated with the Obama administration and its elites - drawn from
   the ranks of intellectuals, professors, think-tankers, etc., few of
   whom have much experience running things save their mouths and few of
   whom have much interest in democracy except when public sentiment runs
   their way - whose message is, get out of the way so that we can govern
   in peace. There are sound reasons why people like, well, me should not
   be in charge of too much government.

   Friedman brings to mind, too, Bertolt Brecht's famous, ironic remark,
   re Stalin:

     The people have lost the confidence of the government; the
     government has decided to dissolve the people and appoint a new
     one.

   Not quite "here the people rule," is it? And if you are going to go
   about praising the Chinese autocrats over American democracy, no,
   frankly I don't think a comparison to praising Stalin is out of line.

   There is something deeply wrong and (far too much indulged by the
   American political class), actually dangerous about finding every
   conceivable way to tell China, its leadership and its people, that
   they are both on the cusp of history and, as a matter of the kind of
   Whig History to which Friedman is attached, on the correct and just
   side of it. And that the United States is in decline and in any case
   receiving its much deserved historical comeuppance. To the extent that
   [6]American decline is true, one might put some amount of the blame -
   not all, by any means, but like it or not, it's now Obama's
   once-and-future deficits - on budgetary policies that require the
   collective savings of a still not-rich China.

   The single most striking trope of Obama administration foreign policy
   to date, after all, is the seemingly complete non-issue of human
   rights issues involving China (Hillary Clinton's snappish speech early
   on about not bugging China about human rights; she might as well have
   said, we're their debtor, get used to it) or even China's commercial
   interests abroad (Sudan? Burma?)

   But it is way more than policy. I teach many law students from China -
   they are lovely, intelligent, studious, and I like them very much ...
   and so far as I can tell, very little in their education in the United
   States, remarkably, does anything other than reinforce their already
   strong sense of general cultural, political, and social superiority
   over past-sell-by nation-states like the United States. These are the
   children of the nomenklatura, and they do not rock boats; but at the
   same time, talking with them, they are choosy about the ideas they
   take and don't take in. But they have, very politely expressed, a
   general sense that they are the future and the United States is the
   past; we bend over backwards, from an excess of political
   self-abnegation and desire never to give offense, not to raise any
   critical points of view. Among a significant number of them, there is
   a polite but unmistakeable chauvinism, a nationalism for which there
   is absolutely no apology - it is just assumed that they are entitled
   to it and the same professors who condemn out of hand expressions of
   American national identity freely confirm these students' nationalism.
   A certain level of homage is taken to be natural, in its own soft way.

   Or to put it another way. A couple of years ago I was in a hotel in
   Manhattan, owned by a Chinese corporation. It had some corporate
   policy then of bringing over Chinese nationals to serve as maids and
   staff. I overheard in an elevator an attempt by a well-meaning,
   well-to-do out of town couple, in Manhattan on business and see some
   theatre, to converse with some of the hotel maids. The woman said
   something like, "It is so wonderful you are here. It is so good for
   Americans to be exposed to people from China ... you are doing such
   amazing things in your country. It is too bad that we can't be more
   like you. Maybe we can learn from you while you are here. We're on our
   way down and you're on your way up." She was not referring the
   elevator.

   But the issue within the United States - the rising issue, the one
   that needs to be addressed on terms both political as well as
   intellectual, for each political party in slightly different ways - is
   the relationship of elites to the public. In my own terms of
   intellectual reference, the question is about the so-called New Class,
   the not-so-new professional classes, and its relationship to
   'management' over 'leadership', and the relationship of management of
   the public to what, back in the 1990s, I referred to as therapeutic
   authoritarianism, [7]the fusion of the coercive power of law with the
   'for your own good' anti-libertarianism of the culture of the
   therapeutic.

   I tentatively raised this back in the Sarah Palin debates, looking to
   the conservative side of the fence, and got very little indication of
   interest in taking up that discussion. I have raised in the context of
   the Obama administration, which is [8]particularly partial to the
   authoritarian- therapeutic model of New Class management, and again,
   with little traction. We're wrong to ignore it: it is time to have
   some serious discussions with respect to each political party and its
   model of elites and public.

   In the meantime, some kind of metaphorical chemical castration of
   Friedman's bellowing bull-in-heat for China's autocracy would seem to
   me in good order.

   ([9]hide)

References

   1. http://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/09/opinion/09friedman.html?_r=1
   2. 
http://www.commentarymagazine.com/viewarticle.cfm/dictatorships--double-standards-6189
   3. 
http://www.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://www.lesjones.com/www/images/posts/1044fd39d6904b807190305cac30b608.jpg&imgrefurl=http://www.lesjones.com/2009/07/28/lifestyles-of-the-rich-and-enivronmentalist-thomas-friedman/&h=318&w=550&sz=66&tbnid=VQbrj5xHomSBqM:&tbnh=77&tbnw=133&prev=/images%3Fq%3Dthomas%2Bfriedman%2Bhouse%2Bphoto&usg=__vjzzqHaxfSS7JWR7mFuNOngDud4=&ei=1cOnSqLnGoKlnQeF1ryuBw&sa=X&oi=image_result&resnum=4&ct=image
   4. file://localhost/var/www/powerblogs/volokh/posts/1252509527.html
   5. 
http://www.amazon.com/Our-Undemocratic-Constitution-People-Correct/dp/0195365577/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1252506104&sr=8-1
   6. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1421999
   7. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=897087
   8. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=935782
   9. file://localhost/var/www/powerblogs/volokh/posts/1252509527.html

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