Posted by Ilya Somin:
Does Mandatory Health Insurance Exceed Congress' Powers Under the Commerce 
Clause?
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_09_20-2009_09_26.shtml#1253489281


   I come late to the debate over whether a federal law requiring people
   to purchase health insurance exceeds Congress' powers under the
   Commerce Clause. In my view, the answer under current doctrine is
   clearly "no." At the same time, I do think that such a law would be
   unconstitutional under the correct interpretation of the Commerce
   Clause - or any interpretation that takes the constitutional text
   seriously. I. The Health Insurance Mandate Under Current Doctrine.

   Current Supreme Court precedent allows Congress regulate virtually
   anything that has even a remote connection to interstate commerce. The
   most recent major precedent in this field is [1]Gonzales v. Raich,
   where the court held that Congress' power to regulate interstate
   commerce was broad enough to uphold a ban on the use of medical
   marijuana that was never sold in any market and never left the
   confines of the state where it was grown. As I describe in great
   detail in [2]this article, Raich renders Congress' power under the
   Commerce Clause virtually unlimited in three different ways:

   1. Raich holds that Congress can regulate virtually any "economic
   activity," and adopts an extraordinarily broad definition of
   "economic," which according to the Court of encompasses anything that
   involves the "production, distribution, and consumption of
   commodities."

   2. Raich makes it easy for Congress to impose controls on even
   "non-economic" activity by claiming that it is part of a broader
   regulatory scheme aimed at something economic.

   3. Raich adopts so-called "rational basis" test as the standard for
   Commerce Clause cases, holding that "[w]e need not determine whether
   [the] activities [being regulated], taken in the aggregate,
   substantially affect interstate commerce in fact, but only whether a
   rational basis exists for so concluding." In legal jargon, a "rational
   basis" can be almost any non-completely moronic reason for believing
   that a particular claim might be true.

   Any of these three holdings could easily justify a federal requirement
   forcing people to purchase health insurance. The decision to purchase
   or not purchase health insurance is probably "economic activity," as
   Raich defines it, since it involves the distribution and consumption
   of commodities such as medicine. When you buy health insurance, you
   are contracting with the insurance company to provide you with
   medicine and other needed commodities should you get sick.

   Even if the purchase of health insurance is "non-economic" in nature,
   it could easily be upheld as part of a broader regulatory scheme aimed
   at economic activity - in this case regulation of the health care
   industry. As I discuss on pp. 516-18 of[3] my article on Raich, The
   Court makes it very easy to prove that virtually any regulation can be
   considered part of a broader regulatory scheme by not requiring any
   proof that the regulation in question really is needed to make the
   broader regulatory work. Finally, even if a court concludes that the
   government was wrong to assume that the decision to buy health
   insurance is "economic activity" under Raich's broad definition and
   wrong to believe that the mandatory purchase requirement was part of a
   broader regulatory scheme, the requirement could still be upheld
   because there was a "rational basis" for for holding these ultimately
   mistaken beliefs. II. Why Current Doctrine is Wrong.

   For reasons laid out in my article, I think thatRaich and other
   decisions interpreting the Commerce Clause very broadly were wrongly
   decided. I also agree with most of Randy Barnett's arguments to that
   effect in [4]this post. Looking at the text of the Constitution, the
   Commerce Clause merely grants Congress the power to regulate "Commerce
   ... among the several states." Choosing to purchase (or not purchase)
   health insurance is not interstate commerce, if only because nearly
   all insurance purchases are conducted within the confines of a single
   state. Obviously, the decision to purchase health insurance may well
   have an impact on interstate commerce, and modern doctrine even before
   Raich allowed congressional regulation of any activities that have
   such a "substantial effect." However, this "effects" test is badly
   misguided. If the Commerce Clause really gave Congress the power to
   regulate any activity that merely affects interstate commerce, most of
   Congress' other powers listed in Article I of the Constitution would
   be redundant. For example, the very same phrase that enumerates
   Congress' power to regulate interstate commerce also gives it the
   power to regulate "Commerce with foreign Nations" and "with the Indian
   tribes." Foreign trade and trade with Indian tribes (which was a much
   more important part of the economy at the time of the Founding than
   today) clearly have major effects on interstate trade. Yet these two
   powers are separately enumerated, which strongly suggests that the
   power to regulate interstate commerce does note give Congress the
   power to regulate any activity that merely has an effect - substantial
   or otherwise - on that commerce.

   Be that as it may, it is highly unlikely that the Supreme Court would
   invalidate a major provision of the health care bill, should it pass
   Congress. In addition to requiring the overruling of Raich and
   considerable revision of other precedents, such a decision would lead
   to a major confrontation with Congress and the president. The Court is
   unlikely to pick a massive fight with a still-popular president backed
   by a large congressional majority. Of course, it is still possible
   that the Court could invalidate some minor portion of the bill on
   Commerce Clause grounds. But even that is unlikely so long as the
   majority of justices remain committed to Raich. Five of the six
   justices who voted with the majority in that case are still on the
   Court. The only exception - Justice David Souter - has been replaced
   by a liberal justice who is unlikely to be any more willing to impose
   meaningful limits on congressional power than he was.

References

   1. http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/03-1454.ZS.html
   2. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=916965
   3. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=916965
   4. http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_09_13-2009_09_19.shtml#1253290664

_______________________________________________
Volokh mailing list
[email protected]
http://lists.powerblogs.com/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/volokh

Reply via email to