Muhaideen forwarded these two articles for us: 

Israel's Bedouins fight to keep their ancestral land

By Jonathan Cook

The Daily Star
10 September 2004

http://dailystar.com.lb/article.asp?edition_id=10&categ_id=2&;
article_id=8242

ATIR, Negev: Four years ago Raed Abu Elkian, 27, finished serving
in the Israeli Army as a Bedouin tracker. Today the entrance to
his village in Israel's southern semi-desert region, the Negev,
is marked by a giant concrete block stamped in black ink with the
words "Danger. Entry Forbidden: Firing Range."

"It's like we're invisible, we don't exist as far as the
authorities are concerned," he said.

The army laid a trail of these blocks along the road to the
village in March to alert anyone venturing into this part of the
Negev to keep away. For the 1,000 residents of Atir, who have
farmed this corner of Israel for generations, the creation of a
military firing range next to their homes was only advance
warning of the authorities' intentions.

In April the supply from a single standpipe, the only source of
running water in the village, was cut off. Finally, in June
everyone over the age of 16 was issued with an evacuation notice
telling them, according to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, to
leave the village "vacant, without person, object or animal in
the area." A lawyer representing the state, Gioara Adatao, told
the same newspaper:

"As far as I am concerned, these are people who seized land
illegally. The state has no obligation to supply them with
alternative places of residence." Although the conflict between
Israel and the Palestinians in the occupied territories of the
West Bank and Gaza has long been in the spotlight of the
international media, few outside Israel have noted the
potentially violent confrontation developing between the Israeli
government and its Bedouin citizens.

In late June, it was widely reported in the Israeli media, some
23 members of the Abu Elkian tribe, mostly women and children who
were not at work, were injured when a paramilitary police force
known as the Green Patrol entered the village to enforce the
demolition of seven homes, including that of Raed's grandfather,
Moussa Abu Elkian, 90.

The harsh measures being taken against the Abu Elkian tribe are
being repeated across the Negev, as the state begins implementing
the Negev Development Plan, a scheme officially begun over a year
ago by the Prime Minister's Office. Ariel Sharon himself is said
to have taken a personal interest.

The plan's purpose is to claim the ancestral lands of the Bedouin
as state property, forcing the tribes to abandon their
traditional practices of growing cereal crops and herding cattle,
sheep and goats and instead move to specially created urban
centers.

The state argues that this will benefit the Bedouin in the long
term, although officials are reluctant to speak to the foreign
media about the scheme.

One senior official in the Israel Lands Authority, Yaakov Katz,
has been reported as saying: "It's high time for this to take
place. It should have been done ages ago. The main goal is to
make order in (the Negev) and to make sure the Bedouin get their
rights and (fulfill their) duties."

Over the next few years the government has set aside $200 million
to enforce the removal from the Negev of the last remaining
Bedouin farming communities, home to some 70,000 Bedouin.

"The development Sharon wants for the Negev is only Jewish
development," said Raed Abu Elkian. "And that means ethnic
cleansing for us."

The Negev Bedouin have been living as outlaws ever since Israel
was created over 50 years ago. The state refuses to respect
Bedouin land holdings recognised by both the Ottoman and British
authorities because the title deeds were rarely set down in
writing.

The collective criminalization of the Bedouin, however, was only
codified in Israeli law in 1965 by a planning law which zoned the
lands on which they live as green areas, making their homes
retroactively illegal and subject to destruction.

Today half the Negev's 140,000 Bedouin live in 45 villages the
state refuses to recognize and which lack all public amenities,
including running water, electricity, sewage and garbage
disposal, medical care and schools.

But despite their appalling living conditions in these
"unrecognized villages" the Bedouin have so far proved unwilling
to move into the townships.

The reason, says Jabr Abu Kaff, a Bedouin leader, is because the
other 70,000 Bedouin in the Negev agreed under pressure in the
early 1970s to move into seven urban reservations, officially
known as "concentration centers." All these townships languish at
the very bottom of the country's social and economic league
tables.

"Although they were designed to urbanize the Bedouin, the
townships lack industrial areas and even the most basic
infrastructure," he said. The largest, Rahat, which has 40,000
Bedouin inhabitants, boasts only a post office and one bank.

Observers suggest the confrontation between the Bedouin and the
state was inevitable given that one of the core Zionist goals is
the "freeing up" of the huge land mass of the Negev - some
two-thirds of Israeli territory - for Jewish immigration. Today
the Bedouin, a quarter of the Negev's population, live on under 2
per cent of its land.


Sharon's Negev Development Plan is designed to use draconian
measures to ensure that the townships policy partially
implemented in the 1970s succeeds three decades later. According
to legislation Sharon is pushing through the Knesset, any Bedouin
living outside a township will be redefined as an illegal
squatter. Repeat offenders risk two years in jail.

"The government wants to force us to move to Hura," says Abu
Elkian, referring to a Bedouin township a few miles from Atir.
"But the townships are graveyards for the living. There we will
be choked to death."

The war of words over land rights in the Negev has grown
increasingly inflammatory, stoked by right-wing members of the
government.

In February 2002, National Infrastructures Minister Avigdor
Lieberman told the Israeli media: "We must stop (the Bedouin's)
illegal invasion of state land by all means possible. The Bedouin
have no regard for our laws."

And Tzachi Hanegbi, the public security minister, urged an
audience of Jews in the Negev: "Come on friends, pick up a stick
and beat any Bedouin criminal until he leaves."

Officially, the state justifes its concentration program on the
grounds that the Bedouin are too scattered to be connected to
public services.

The irony is not lost on Labad Abu Afash, the mayor of the
unrecognized village of Wadi al-Naam, near Beersheva. In the late
1970s the state built the Negev's main electricity sub-station in
the very center of the village, with volts surging over the heads
of the 3,000 inhabitants, even though none of their homes is
connected to the supply.

"We can feel the electricity humming in our heads, but we are not
allowed to benefit from it," he says.

The same criteria have not been applied to the 100 Jewish
communities that have sprung up all over the Negev in last few
decades. Some comprise barely over a dozen families but are
usually connected promptly to public services.

Sharon's expressed goal is to establish in the place of the
Bedouin villages dozens of new Jewish settlements in the Negev to
house some of the 350,000 immigrants the World Zionist
Organization hopes to bring to the Galilee and the Negev by the
end of the decade.

So far there have not been many takers, and Sharon has therefore
appealed to Jews in the diaspora to seek refuge from
anti-Semitism in Israel. Just such a speech, urging France's
600,000 Jews to leave their homeland, recently infuriated French
President Jacques Chirac.

Sharon told a meeting of Jewish leaders: "If I have to advocate
to our brothers in France, I will tell them one thing. Move to
Israel, as early as possible." He also wants the territory for a
network of land-hungry private Jewish-owned ranches similar to
his own Negev farmstead, Sycamore Ranch.

Grapes and dates will be grown in the desert climate by offering
the ranchers large quantities of subsidized water. The
infrastructure for 36 ranches has already been approved in what
will form the spine of a touristic "wine road."

Finally there are widespread rumors that Sharon intends to use
the cleared Negev land to provide homes for settlers evacuated
from Gaza or the West Bank, if a disengagement plan can be agreed
by his cabinet. A row briefly flared late last year when the
Avraham Poraz, the interior minister, gave public expression to
the suggestion.

Faced with the blanket opposition of the Bedouin to his plan,
Sharon is resorting to ever more intimidatory tactics, says
Mohammed Zeidan of the Human Rights Association in Nazareth. "He
has been drafting laws to criminalize the Bedouin and
strengthening paramilitary police forces whose job is to demolish
homes."

Zeidan's organization is especially critical of a recent tactic
employed by the authorities: crop-spraying planes have been
showering Bedouin fields with herbicides to kill their crops
shortly before harvest time. Several Bedouin have had to be
treated for poisoning after being sprayed.

The Israeli courts have agreed to a temporary injunction on the
crop-spraying until a hearing due in October when they will
decide whether the government's actions are legal.

"This is a new phase in the government's quiet war on the
Bedouin," Zeidan said. "In the rest of the world, governments are
recognising the rights of indigenous peoples and making amends
for past injustices. In Israel the climate of persecution
continues unabated."



====================================


Concern for the small animals

By Meron Benvenisti

Haaretz
10 September 2004

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/476207.html

Two main demands have been raised by environment groups in
connection with the environmental damage caused by the separation
fence: "environmental compensation" within the Green Line and
"setting up crossing points for small animals." One stands
incredulous before such a blatant expression of disregard for the
human and physical landscape. Terrible environmental damage is
being inflicted on large areas in the heart of the country.
Seventeen million cubic meters of soil, with tens of thousands of
olive trees, thousands of dunams of orchards and groves, tens of
thousands of dunams of natural growth, hothouses, archaeological
sites and wells - as well as the fabric of life of hundreds of
thousands of people - are being crushed by giant bulldozers. Yet
the environmental organizations have nothing to say about the
damage caused by the fence.

On the contrary, they exploit the tragedies of others to promote
their own interests: The destruction of the Palestinian
environment presents the opportunity to demand "environmental
compensation" within Israel. Moreover, the environmentalists are
fighting for safe passage for small wildlife, while ignoring the
fact that freedom of movement is being denied to hundreds of
thousands of people - including small children - in an arbitrary
manner. What selective sensitivity!

Of course, the environmentalists wish to avoid issues that are
considered political - especially when the separation fence
enjoys widespread domestic support and its few opponents are
castigated as traitors. The "mandate" the environmentalists took
upon themselves ends at the Green Line and whatever happens on
the other side is of no interest to them. Just don't accuse them
of annexing land.

But attention should be directed to the destructive consequences
of an ethnic or geopolitical approach to the environment, rather
than addressing the environment from an ecological perspective. A
mountain range that happens to fall within Israel's borders
deserves careful preservation as "an ecological pocket" of great
value. But the part of this same range that lies on the other
side of the fence is of no interest. The environmental damage
incurred is justified by security considerations and can be
ignored because it "is not under our responsibility." In this
way, those who destroy the environment and rape the landscape
enjoy full freedom to continue their destructive work, which -
how ironic - is driven by a love of the Land of Israel and the
sanctity of its soil.

The array of outposts and the plan for settlement contiguity, as
exposed in Haaretz, constitute a program of environmental
destruction of monstrous proportions. A chain of outposts, whose
location is only determined by political considerations, aims to
insert a wedge between Palestinian population blocs. The result
is a series of octopus-like arms that stretch for many kilometers
and include homes and other installations, as well as roads and
infrastructure, defacing the environment and engendering chaotic
development.

These octopus arms, which hold a grip on Palestinian population
centers, connect to Israeli settlement blocs via broad highways
allocated "for Jews only," while parallel roads are paved "for
Palestinians only." Together, these road systems damage the
landscape and destroy ecological habitats. Who would dare to
engage in something trivial like environmental protection when we
are dealing with a fateful struggle for the Land of Israel?

And if those responsible for protecting the environment remain
silent, then those who raise a hue and cry about this must just
be exploiting ecology to promote their political agenda. And woe
to those who claim, for example, that the outpost fever is in
some way related to real-estate profiteering, with an eye toward
the privatization budget for kibbutz and moshav lands.

In any case, while the opponents of Jerusalem's westward
expansion sit on Mount Sansan and preach about preserving "the
ecological pocket," they remain indifferent to the construction
in Beitar Ilit (on the other side of the Green Line), which
destroys part of the very same ecological pocket.

And if this is the settlers' attitude toward the environment in
the redeemed Land of Israel, what chances do values of landscape
and history have in the face of Israel Defense Forces tanks and
bulldozers, which plow through flora and destroy buildings out of
security considerations. Less than a year ago, IDF tanks
destroyed many historic buildings in the Old City of Nablus,
including Byzantine, Mameluke and Crusader structures, as well as
monumental Palestinian structures.

In early August, the Palestinian Authority complained about the
destruction of Mameluke structures near the Cave of the
Patriarchs in Hebron. This destruction is continuing to this very
day as retribution for the firing of Qassam rockets into the
western Negev. And the Palestinians, who are hungry for land and
suspicious of appropriation schemes, are building without any
environmental planning or rational urban considerations, thus
contributing to the damage of environment and landscape. This is
the same thing that happened in the giant metropolitan area of
greater Jerusalem, stretching from Ramallah to Bethlehem.

A desperate thought comes to mind - that before the fate of the
disputed land is resolved there will be nothing left to fight
about. And then a great cry will be heard over the ruins.





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