US appears to have fought war for oil and lost it

By Ian Rutledge
 
Financial Times
Letter to the Editor
April 11, 2005


Sir, Your recent report that oil prices have reached an
all-time nominal high and that Goldman Sachs has
suggested the possibility of a "super spike" in prices
to as high as $105 per barrel ("Crude at all-time high
despite Opec's efforts", April 5) should be of no
surprise to anyone who has studied the informed
opinions of US energy experts in the period leading up
to the invasion of Iraq. Nor, for that matter, to
anyone who has seen my own observations on future world
oil prices in my recent book Addicted to Oil.

In a crucial report to President George W. Bush by the
US Council on Foreign Relations in April 2001, the
president was warned that: "As the 21st century opens,
the energy sector is in a critical condition. A crisis
could erupt at any time . . . Theworld is currently
close to utilising all of its available global oil
production capacity, raising the chances of an oil
supply crisis with more substantial consequences than
seen in three decades."

With US oil consumption in 2001 at an all-time high
(19.7m b/d), import penetration at 53 per cent, and
dependence on Arabian Gulf oil also at an all-time
record (14.1 per cent of total US domestic and foreign
supplies), the council stated that it was absolutely
imperative that "political factors do not block the
development of new oil fields in the Gulf" and that
"the Department of State, together with the National
Security Council" should "develop a strategic plan to
encourage reopening to foreign investment in the
important states of the Middle East".

But while the council argued that "there is no question
that this investment is vitally important to US
interests" it also acknowledged that "there is strong
opposition to any such opening among key segments of
the Saudi and Kuwaiti populations".

However, there was an alternative. In the words of ESA
Inc (Boston), the US's leading energy security
analysts: "One of the best things for our supply
security would be liberate Iraq"; words echoed by
William Kristol, the Republican party ideologist, in
testimony to the House Subcommittee on the Middle East
on May 22 2002 that as far as oil was concerned, "Iraq
is more important than Saudi Arabia".

So when, according to the former head of ExxonMobil's
Gulf operations, "Iraqi exiles approached us saying,
you can have our oil if we can get back in there", the
Bush administration decided to use its overwhelming
military might to create a pliant - and dependable -
oil protectorate in the Middle East and achieve that
essential "opening" of the Gulf oilfields.

But in the words of another US oil company executive,
"it all turned out a lot more complicated than anyone
had expected". Instead of the anticipated post-invasion
rapid expansion of Iraqi production (an expectation of
an additional 2m b/d entering the world market by now),
the continuing violence of the insurgency has prevented
Iraqi exports from even recovering to pre-invasion
levels.

In short, the US appears to have fought a war for oil
in the Middle East, and lost it. The consequences of
that defeat are now plain for all to see.

Ian Rutledge, Chesterfield


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