The fate of the NSC's strategic communication group was worse. Charged with 
crafting a national strategy on public diplomacy, the group met several times 
and then fell apart from lack of leadership. Its last meeting was over 18 
months ago. Back at the State Department, meanwhile, Ambassador Margaret 
Tutwiler had, at the urging of the White House, taken on the job of public 
diplomacy chief. But Tutwiler lasted only six months, and in June last year the 
job was vacant again. By the end of Bush's first term, the position had lacked 
an appointed leader for half his administration.

"No virgins." Why the lack of priority? Fighting bloody wars in Afghanistan and 
Iraq took the lion's share of attention, to be sure. Yet in public, top 
administration officials seemed emphatic. "This is a battle of ideas and a 
battle for minds," declared the Pentagon's No. 2 man, Paul Wolfowitz, in 2002. 
"To win the war on terror, we must win a war of ideas," agreed Condoleezza Rice 
a year later. But those working below them saw a decided lack of interest. "The 
principals have not indicated this is a priority," bemoaned one key staffer, 
speaking of cabinet-level officials. "They just didn't get it."

There were other reasons. Attempts at forging a national strategy repeatedly 
failed. Policymakers couldn't even agree on the target--worldwide terrorism or 
Islamic extremism, or on its root causes--poverty, Saudi funding, misunderstood 
U.S. policies, or something else. Interagency meetings on the topic were 
"agonizing," one participant recalled. "We couldn't clarify what path to take, 
so it was dropped." Another key factor was religion. Going after the roots of 
Islamic fundamentalism would drag Washington into a battle involving mosques, 
mullahs, and Scripture, argued some, and that went against 200 years of U.S. 
church-state relations. The inevitable turf wars also came into play. The war 
of ideas cut across otherwise-neat lines of responsibility in bureaucratic 
Washington. At the Pentagon and the NSC, public-affairs staffers warily eyed 
psyop officers who argued that public diplomacy, press relations, and 
psychological operations should be united under a single information strategy. 
White House veterans of tough political campaigns brought a short-term, 
manage-the-news outlook to what others thought would take a generation to fix. 
As a result, by mid-2004--nearly three years after 9/11--the government still 
had no one in charge of winning the war of ideas and no strategy for winning 
it. That summer, Government Accountability Office investigators told Congress 
they found public diplomacy staffers without guidance and a department short of 
linguists and information officers. "Everybody who knows how to do this has 
been screaming," complained one insider. "There are no virgins in this."

A few bright spots emerged. A growing chorus of criticism from Congress and the 
press helped gain big funding boosts for public diplomacy and foreign aid 
programs. The administration kicked off major new initiatives in foreign 
broadcasting--Radio Sawa, a pop music-news station in 2002, and Alhurra, a 
satellite-TV news network in 2004, both aimed at Arab audiences. The CIA's 
strategic influence unit and the Pentagon's psyop group also won major funding 
increases.



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