http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1231167284856&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull

The tragic theater of war

Jan. 7, 2009
David Horovitz , THE JERUSALEM POST 
After 11 days of Israel's assault on Hamas in Gaza, the IDF is poised to 
potentially expand its ground operations. 

Following the opening air strikes and the subsequent limited use of ground 
forces, a more substantial ground offensive, taking troops deeper into the 
urban areas where Hamas's fighters are largely centered, now looms. 

Some of the reservists called up in recent days are being trained and equipped 
for their missions. 

But this next, intensified stage has not yet been green-lighted by Israel's 
political leaders. 

Prime Minister Ehud Olmert made it clear on Tuesday that restoring long-term 
security to the South required not only deterring Hamas from resuming rocket 
fire but also seriously reducing its capacity to fire and preventing a 
Hizbullah-style post-war rearmament via the tunnels from Egypt. 

In the IDF, the sense is that "seriously reducing" Hamas's offensive capability 
has not yet been achieved, but there is also no particular eagerness for the 
much-expanded ground assault. 

That would seem to indicate that the current level of military engagement may 
continue for another day or two, but then a choice will have to be made between 
a rapid diplomatic resolution or an escalated military offensive. 

Official Israel believes that Hamas has made a series of miscalculations both 
before and during this confrontation: initially assuming that Israel would 
accept a restoration of the collapsed "cease-fire" on terms more favorable to 
Hamas; then assuming, after the air attack phase, that Israel would not send 
ground forces into Gaza; expecting overt support from the Saudis and Egyptians 
that has not been forthcoming; and counting on Hizbullah to open a second 
military front in the North. 

The question is whether Israel has calculated correctly about what can be 
achieved, and how best to achieve it, in the enormously complex theater of war 
that is Hamastan - where enemy gunmen operate, often indistinguishably, from 
the midst of the civilian population. 

Soldiers are facing Hamas gunmen fighting out of uniform or even, in some 
cases, clad in stolen IDF uniforms. The ground forces are being confronted by 
suicide bombers, by gunmen appearing out of tunnels. They are moving through 
booby-trapped buildings. 

Hamas gunmen are commandeering ambulances and taking children out with them to 
battle, according to Israeli security sources. At every moment, with every use 
of firepower, there is the potential for Palestinian civilian casualties. 

As they mourn the loss of five soldiers, IDF commanders are well aware of the 
mounting Palestinian civilian casualty toll. They are bitterly cognizant of the 
reality in which Israel is blamed internationally for every such death - 
ratcheting up the international protests and the international pressure for a 
cease-fire. 

This impacts Israel's leverage as it seeks acceptable terms for a halt to the 
fighting - no matter that it is Hamas that has deliberately located its 
offensive capabilities in the heart of the Gazan populace. 

As has been clear from the first day of Operation Cast Lead, the potential for 
stray Israeli fire or even deaths caused in unclear circumstances to remake the 
contours of this confrontation is ever-present. This has been underlined in the 
past two days both in the losses of soldiers killed by errant IDF fire, and in 
the deaths of a reported 30 Gazans at a UNRWA school on Tuesday night. 

A considerable proportion of international support for Israel in the Second 
Lebanon War was wiped out when an Israeli air strike on a building close to 
Katyusha launch sites in south Lebanon killed 20-plus sheltering civilians. 
Tuesday's deaths at the UNRWA school will similarly reduce what was already 
precious little world sympathy for Israel. 

In the case of the south Lebanon attack, which occurred before dawn, it took 
the IDF most of the day to produce footage showing how close the Katyusha 
launch sites were to the building - a delay that left Israel's spokespeople 
bereft of an effective explanation for the incident. 

In the case of Tuesday's deaths, however, the IDF quickly reported that it had 
come under mortar fire from the school, and that its return fire had set off 
secondary explosions - indicating that the area was used as a weapons store. 

It released a statement specifying that a "a mortar battery cell" had been 
operating from there, and named "Hamas operatives Imad Abu Askhar and Hassan 
Abu Askhar" as being among those killed in the blasts. 

But there is scant international readiness, amid the bloodshed, to look deeply 
into cause and effect. 

As the military confrontation grows ever more complex, so, too, does the 
diplomatic battlefield. 

Many in the defense establishment believe that preventing a resumption of Hamas 
arms smuggling from Egypt requires the IDF's reoccupation of the Philadelphi 
Corridor. But the government is prepared to consider a diplomatically 
formulated international mechanism, just as it is prepared to consider 
diplomatic solutions to its other goals. 

Hamas, of course, will claim victory by merely surviving. And in this 
confrontation, rhetoric and perception are anything but marginal.


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