Is Terrorism Over?

By Mshari Al-Zaydi


I am surprised by some voices in the Arab press suggesting that the problem of 
terrorism has come to an end, or has been put under control. In fact, the 
activities of al-Qaeda, and other manifestations of modern religious violence, 
have not ceased for more than a decade now. Indeed even longer than that, ever 
since the al-Alia blasts occurred in the Saudi capital of Riyadh back in 1995, 
terrorist attacks have been committed both in Saudi Arabia and beyond, on an 
international scale, by several religious extremist groups.

The reasons have varied, the languages, cultures and distances have changed, 
but the essence of religious terrorist attacks has remained the same. No sooner 
does one cycle of religious violence diminish than another one erupts. We see 
the al-Qaeda network engulfing Yemen and Somalia to the extent that it is now 
feared that the southwest corner of the Arabian Peninsula will become a major 
terrorist hub. On both sides of the Straits of Bab al Mandab, two large 
al-Qaeda wings extend through Somalia and Yemen. The Somali wing runs deep into 
the heart of Africa. We saw how a deadly explosion was carried out at café in 
the Ugandan capital, where a large audience had gathered to watch the 2010 FIFA 
World Cup final in South Africa.

News reaches us every day about al-Qaeda's activities in Yemen, killing an 
officer here, blowing up security headquarters there, or releasing a videotape 
of one of its suicide bombers, training in Yemen and then targeting Saudi 
Arabia. In Iraq, al Qaeda's activity has not diminished, and it seems that the 
bombing of Al-Arabiya TV office in Baghdad was the work of the organisation.

So what lull or decline in terrorism are we talking about? The trend is moving 
upwards, not downwards, and it cannot be blamed on foreign occupation, as some 
like to suggest. Yes, the presence of foreign military troops, such as in the 
case of Afghanistan and Iraq, provides a substantial rationale for the 
activities of religious militant groups, under the pretext of "Jihad". But how 
can we understand and interpret religious violence, and the ruthless presence 
of al-Qaeda in Yemen, where there is no foreign occupation, US or otherwise, 
prevailing over the country? Moreover, how can we explain the resilient 
activity of al-Qaeda in Saudi Arabia? We know that the main purpose of the 
Saudi youth influx into Yemen is to join al-Qaeda camps and target the Kingdom. 
It is worth noting that Saudi Arabia has never, at any period in history, been 
subject to any form of occupation or colonialism.

The existence and activities of al-Qaeda is not the upshot of resisting foreign 
occupation, as proposed by some Arabs, namely revolutionary nationalists or 
leftists. In fact, al-Qaeda derives its existence from within, and its activity 
is an intrinsic part of its identity. Because the organisation is obsessed with 
religious salvation, it is able to denounce anyone indiscriminately, as 
traitors and infidels.

The foreign presence, US or otherwise, helps al-Qaeda in terms of its 
recruitment, activities, and ability to polarise opinion. It also provides 
al-Qaeda with considerable sympathy or at least an understanding of the nature 
of its motives. This has been observed in much Arab analysis of al-Qaeda's 
activity in Iraq, because all they [Iraqis] can see is a hatred for the 
Occupation. This is a natural reaction, and we can't hold it against them, but 
the problem lies in underestimating or marginalizing any fundamentalist threat, 
or spread of extremist thought, after the dust of the war settles. For often 
nothing remains, after the withdrawal of foreign troops, and the fading roar of 
military engines, apart from a toxic cloud of extremism. 

The problem with religious terrorism extends beyond the lives it takes or the 
serious injuries it causes, despite the gravity of this matter alone. The real 
problem lies in the poisoned intellectual atmosphere that extremist thought 
spreads, in addition to the futile arguments that characterise the terrorism 
debate, with sides levelling accusations of responsibility at each other.

This is why notable figures from Islamic circles in Saudi Arabia, amidst 
controversy and criticism from the Saudi press regarding the responsibility for 
terrorism, came out and said: "The [radicalisation] of the liberals is one of 
the causes of terrorism"! This reminds me of a scene from the play "A Witness 
Who Saw Nothing" where [famous Egyptian comedian] Adel Imam slaps a private 
across the face, then walks up to the officer complaining that the private had 
hit him on the hand with his face!

Terrorism has not ended, but there is a lot of talk about it, the bulk of which 
is worthless. This should not divert our attention from the fact that there is 
an enormous problem in our Arab culture which clearly generates religious 
extremism. This is not to say that terrorism is characteristically Arab or 
Islamic, but an underlying problem exists, as there is an endless production of 
extremist youth and religious terrorism [in Arab society].

Look at the ages of the new generation of al-Qaeda recruits in Yemen, Saudi 
Arabia, Iraq and elsewhere. The majority of them are young men who were 
recruited after the intense media campaign surrounding terrorism a few years 
ago. Any method of counter-propaganda has failed to dissuade them, as the lure 
of the extremist ideology was more influential, and perhaps still is. If we 
liken terrorism to a lethal virus, we would find that it has evolved its 
defences and mutated at an alarming rate. Terrorism has developed its rhetoric, 
along with its military and tactical planning.

A Saudi security expert told me that al-Qaeda had developed its tactics and 
recruitment plans, and that it had transferred its operations centre from Iraq 
to Yemen. The expert observes that al-Qaeda had always envisioned a 'pure' land 
to serve as a beacon for recruitment, such as Chechnya, Bosnia and so on. But 
before long, new recruits will travel to another territory, where al-Qaeda has 
established another base. New recruits are also not immediately drawn into 
al-Qaeda, it is a gradual process.

According to my colleague, Iraq is now considered the largest setting for 
recruitment propaganda, under the pretext that 'Mesopotamia is being occupied 
by the neo-Crusaders'. However, soon new recruits will go on to other places 
for training and preparation, most notably Yemen these days. This is how 
al-Qaeda grows its membership.

I was not surprised by what the security expert had said. The reason is that 
the mental and psychological similarities between groups of Islamic salvation 
are almost identical. And so it would be easy to move from one direction to 
another or from one land to another, as long as the ideogical 'engine' is the 

I have been saying for a decade, along with others, that terrorism will never 
come to an end in the Arab and Muslim worlds, unless we think outside of the 
'security solution' box. We must stop avoiding responsibility, and overlooking 
the intellectual dilemma which constitutes the culture of al-Qaeda and those 
like it. 

In short, security should form the 'external' part of the solution, whereas 
internally, there is a need for intellectual and political reform, as well as a 
restructuring of Arab society. Unless there is a parallel between the external 
and internal parts of the solution, we will continue to go round this vicious 
circle until we wear ourselves out.

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