Bill Ayers | What a Long, Strange Trip It's Been
Friday 07 November 2008
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by: Bill Ayers, In These Times
Upon the end of a surreal campaign season, Bill Ayers speaks out. (Photo: Chris
Walker / The Chicago Tribune)
Bill Ayers looks back on a surreal campaign season.
Whew! What was all that mess? I'm still in a daze, sorting it all out,
decompressing.
Pass the Vitamin C.
For the past few years, I have gone about my business, hanging out with my
kids and, now, my grandchildren, taking care of our elders (they moved in as
the kids moved out), going to work, teaching and writing. And every day, I
participate in the never-ending effort to build a powerful and irresistible
movement for peace and social justice.
In years past, I would now and then - often unpredictably - appear in the
newspapers or on TV, sometimes with a reference to Fugitive Days, my 2001
memoir of the exhilarating and difficult years of resistance against the
American war in Vietnam. It was a time when the world was in flames, revolution
was in the air, and the serial assassinations of black leaders disrupted our
utopian dreams.
These media episodes of fleeting notoriety always led to some extravagant
and fantastic assertions about what I did, what I might have said and what I
probably believe now.
It was always a bit surreal. Then came this political season.
During the primary, the blogosphere was full of chatter about my
relationship with President-elect Barack Obama. We had served together on the
board of the Woods Foundation and knew one another as neighbors in Chicago's
Hyde Park. In 1996, at a coffee gathering that my wife, Bernardine Dohrn, and I
held for him, I made a $200 donation to his campaign for the Illinois State
Senate.
Obama's political rivals and enemies thought they saw an opportunity to
deepen a dishonest perception that he is somehow un-American, alien, linked to
radical ideas, a closet terrorist who sympathizes with extremism - and they
pounced.
Sen. Hillary Clinton's (D-N.Y.) campaign provided the script, which
included guilt by association, demonization of people Obama knew (or might have
known), creepy questions about his background and dark hints about hidden
secrets yet to be uncovered.
On March 13, Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), apparently in an attempt to
reassure the base,- sat down for an interview with Sean Hannity of Fox News.
McCain was not yet aware of the narrative Hannity had been spinning for months,
and so Hannity filled him in: Ayers is an unrepentant "terrorist," he
explained, "On 9/11, of all days, he had an article where he bragged about
bombing our Pentagon, bombing the Capitol and bombing New York City police
headquarters. ... He said, 'I regret not doing more.'"
McCain couldn't believe it.
Neither could I.
On the campaign trail, McCain immediately got on message. I became a prop,
a cartoon character created to be pummeled.
When Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin got hold of it, the attack went viral. At a
now-famous Oct. 4 rally, she said Obama was Ïpallin' around with terrorists.-
(I pictured us sharing a milkshake with two straws.)
The crowd began chanting, "Kill him!" "Kill him"- It was downhill from
there.
My voicemail filled up with hate messages. They were mostly from men, all
venting and sweating and breathing heavily. A few threats: "Watch out!" and
"You deserve to be shot." And some e-mails, like this one I got from [EMAIL
PROTECTED]: "I'm coming to get you and when I do, I'll water-board you."
The police lieutenant who came to copy down those threats deadpanned that
he hoped the guy who was going to shoot me got there before the guy who was
going to water-board me, since it would be most foul to be tortured and then
shot. (We have been pals ever since he was first assigned to investigate
threats made against me in 1987, after I was hired as an assistant professor at
the University of Illinois at Chicago.)
The good news was that every time McCain or Palin mentioned my name, they
lost a point or two in the polls. The cartoon invented to hurt Obama was now
poking holes in the rapidly sinking McCain-Palin ship.
That '60s Show
On Aug. 28, Stephen Colbert, the faux right-wing commentator from Comedy
Central who channels Bill O'Reilly on steroids, observed:
To this day, when our country holds a presidential election, we judge the
candidates through the lens of the 1960s. ... We all know Obama is cozy with
William Ayers a '60s radical who planted a bomb in the capital building and
then later went on to even more heinous crimes by becoming a college professor.
... Let us keep fighting the culture wars of our grandparents. The '60s are a
political gift that keeps on giving.
It was inevitable. McCain would bet the house on a dishonest and largely
discredited vision of the '60s, which was the defining decade for him He built
his political career on being a prisoner of war in Vietnam.
The '60s - as myth and symbol - is much abused: the downfall of
civilization in one account, a time of defeat and humiliation in a second, and
a perfect moment of righteous opposition, peace and love in a third.
The idea that the 2008 election may be the last time in American political
life that the '60s plays any role whatsoever is a mixed blessing. On the one
hand, let's get over the nostalgia and move on. On the other, the lessons we
might have learned from the black freedom movement and from the resistance
against the Vietnam War have never been learned. To achieve this would require
that we face history fully and honestly, something this nation has never done.
The war in Vietnam was an illegal invasion and occupation, much of it
conducted as a war of terror against the civilian population. The U.S. military
killed millions of Vietnamese in air raids - like the one conducted by McCain -
and entire areas of the country were designated free-fire zones, where American
pilots indiscriminately dropped surplus ordinance - an immoral enterprise by
any measure.
What Is Really Important
McCain and Palin - or as our late friend Studs Terkel put it, "Joe McCarthy
in drag" - would like to bury the '60s. The '60s, after all, was a time of
rejecting obedience and conformity in favor of initiative and courage. The '60s
pushed us to a deeper appreciation of the humanity of every human being. And
that is the threat it poses to the right wing, hence the attacks and all the
guilt by association.
McCain and Palin demanded to "know the full extent" of the Obama-Ayers
"relationship" so that they can know if Obama, as Palin put it, "is telling the
truth to the American people or not."
This is just plain stupid.
Obama has continually been asked to defend something that ought to be at
democracy's heart: the importance of talking to as many people as possible in
this complicated and wildly diverse society, of listening with the possibility
of learning something new, and of speaking with the possibility of persuading
or influencing others.
The McCain-Palin attacks not only involved guilt by association, they also
assumed that one must apply a political litmus test to begin a conversation.
On Oct. 4, Palin described her supporters as those who "see America as the
greatest force for good in this world" and as a "beacon of light and hope for
others who seek freedom and democracy." But Obama, she said, "Is not a man who
sees America as you see it and how I see America." In other words, there are
"real" Americans - and then there are the rest of us
In a robust and sophisticated democracy, political leaders - and all of us
- ought to seek ways to talk with many people who hold dissenting, or even
radical, ideas. Lacking that simple and yet essential capacity to question
authority, we might still be burning witches and enslaving our fellow human
beings today.
Maybe we could welcome our current situation - torn by another illegal war,
as it was in the '60s - as an opportunity to search for the new.
Perhaps we might think of ourselves not as passive consumers of politics
but as fully mobilized political actors. Perhaps we might think of our various
efforts now, as we did then, as more than a single campaign, but rather as our
movement-in-the-making.
We might find hope in the growth of opposition to war and occupation
worldwide. Or we might be inspired by the growing movements for reparations and
prison abolition, or the rising immigrant rights movement and the stirrings of
working people everywhere, or by gay and lesbian and transgender people
courageously pressing for full recognition.
Yet hope - my hope, our hope - resides in a simple self-evident truth: the
future is unknown, and it is also entirely unknowable.
History is always in the making. It's up to us. It is up to me and to you.
Nothing is predetermined. That makes our moment on this earth both hopeful and
all the more urgent - we must find ways to become real actors, to become
authentic subjects in our own history.
We may not be able to will a movement into being, but neither can we sit
idly for a movement to spring full-grown, as from the head of Zeus.
We have to agitate for democracy and egalitarianism, press harder for human
rights, learn to build a new society through our self-transformations and our
limited everyday struggles.
At the turn of the last century, Eugene Debs, the great Socialist Party
leader from Terre Haute, Ind., told a group of workers in Chicago, "If I could
lead you into the Promised Land, I would not do it, because someone else would
come along and lead you out."
In this time of new beginnings and rising expectations, it is even more
urgent that we figure out how to become the people we have been waiting to be.
http://www.truthout.org/110708R?print
Bill Ayers is a Distinguished Professor of Education and Senior University
Scholar at the University of Illinois at Chicago. He is the author of "Fugitive
Days" (Beacon) and co-author, with Bernardine Dohrn, of "Race Course: Against
White Supremacy
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