http://www.amconmag.com/article/2009/feb/23/00006/

February 23, 2009 Issue 
Copyright © 2009 The American Conservative
How Radio Wrecks the right

Limbaugh and company certainly entertain. But a steady diet of
ideological comfort food is no substitute for hearty intellectual fare. 

By John Derbyshire

You can’t help but admire Rush Limbaugh’s talent for
publicity. His radio talk show is probablyâ€"reliable figures only
go back to 1991â€"in its third decade as the number-one rated radio
show in the country. And here he is in the news again, trading verbal
punches with the president of the United States.

Limbaugh remarked on Jan. 16 that to the degree that Obama’s
program is one of state socialism, he hopes it will fail. (If only he
had said the same about George W. Bush.) The president riposted at a
session with congressional leaders a week later, telling them,
“You can’t just listen to Rush Limbaugh and get things
done.† Outsiders weighed in: Limbaugh should not have wished
failure on a president trying to cope with a national crisis; Obama
should not have stooped to insult a mere media artiste, the kind of task
traditionally delegated to presidential subordinates while the chief
stands loftily mute. Citizens picked sides and sat back to enjoy the
circus.

For Limbaugh to remain a player at this level after 20-odd years
bespeaks powers far beyond the ordinary. Most conservativesâ€"even
those who do not listen to his showâ€"regard him as a good thing.
His 14 million listeners are a key component of the conservative base. 
When he first emerged nationally, soon after the FCC dropped the
Fairness Doctrine in 1987, conservatives for the first time in decades
had something worth listening to on their radios other than country
music and bland news programs read off the AP wire. In the early Clinton
years, when Republicans were regrouping, Limbaugh was perhaps the most
prominent conservative in the United States. National Review ran a cover
story on him as “The Leader of the Opposition.†
Limbaugh has a similarly high opinion of himself: “I know I have
become the intellectual engine of the conservative movement,† he
told the New York Times. This doesn’t sit well with all
conservatives. Fred Barnes grumbled, “When the GOP rose in the
late 1970s, it had Ronald Reagan. Now the loudest Republican voice
belongs to Rush Limbaugh.† Upon discovering that Limbaugh had
anointed himself the successor to William F. Buckley Jr., WFB’s
son Christopher retorted, “Rush, I knew William F. Buckley, Jr.
William F. Buckley, Jr. was a father of mine. Rush, you’re no
William F. Buckley, Jr.†
The more po-faced conservative intellectuals have long winced at
Limbaugh’s quips, parodies, slogans, and impatience with the
starched-collar respectability of the official Right. American
conservatism had been a pretty staid and erudite affair pre-Limbaugh,
occasional lapses into jollification on “Firing Line†
being the main public expression of conservatism’s lighter side.
Now the airwaves are full of conservative chat. Talkers
magazine’s list of the top ten radio talk shows by number of
weekly listeners also features Sean Hannity, Michael Savage, Glenn Beck,
Laura Ingraham, and Mark Levin. Agony aunt Laura Schlessinger and
financial adviser Dave Ramsey are both in the top ten too, though their
conservatism is more incidental to the content of their shows.
Liberal attempts to duplicate the successes of Limbaugh and his
imitators have fallen flat. Alan Colmes’s late-evening radio
show can be heard in most cities, and Air America is still alive
somewhereâ€"the Aleutians, perhapsâ€"but colorful, populist,
political talk radio seems to be a thing that liberals can’t do. 
There are many reasons to be grateful for conservative talk radio, and
with a left-Democrat president and a Democratic Congress, there are good
reasons to fear for its survival. Reinstatement of the Fairness Doctrine
is generally perceived as the major threat, but may not in fact be
necessary. Obama is known to have strong feelings about
“localism,† the FCC rule that requires radio and TV
stations to serve the interests of their local communities as a
condition of keeping their broadcast licenses. “Local
community† invariably turns out in practice to mean leftist
agitator and race-guilt shakedown organizationsâ€"the kind of
environment in which Obama learned his practical politics. Localism will
likely be the key to unlock the door through which conservative talk
radio will be expelled with a presidential boot in the rear. 
With reasons for gratitude duly noted, are there some downsides to
conservative talk radio? Taking the conservative project as a
wholeâ€"limited government, fiscal prudence, equality under law,
personal liberty, patriotism, realism abroadâ€"has talk radio helped
or hurt? All those good things are plainly off the table for the next
four years at least, a prospect that conservatives can only view with
anguish. Did the Limbaughs, Hannitys, Savages, and Ingrahams lead us to
this sorry state of affairs?
They surely did. At the very least, by yoking themselves to the clueless
George W. Bush and his free-spending administration, they helped create
the great debt bubble that has now burst so spectacularly. The big
names, too, were all uncritical of the decade-long (at least) efforts to
“build democracy† in no-account nations with politically
primitive populations. Sean Hannity called the Iraq War a
“massive success,† and in January 2008 deemed the U.S.
economy “phenomenal.† 
Much as their blind loyalty discredited the Right, perhaps the worst
effect of Limbaugh et al. has been their draining away of political
energy from what might have been a much more worthwhile project: the
fostering of a middlebrow conservatism. There is nothing wrong with
lowbrow conservatism. It’s energizing and fun. What’s
wrong is the impression fixed in the minds of too many Americans that
conservatism is always lowbrow, an impression our enemies gleefully
reinforce when the opportunity arises. Thus a liberal like E.J. Dionne
can write, “The cause of Edmund Burke, Leo Strauss, Robert
Nisbet and William F. Buckley Jr. is now in the hands of Rush Limbaugh,
Sean Hannity. … Reason has been overwhelmed by propaganda, ideas
by slogans.† Talk radio has contributed mightily to this
development. 
It does so by routinely descending into the ad hominemâ€"Feminazis
instead of feminismâ€"and catering to reflex rather than thought.
Where once conservatism had been about individualism, talk radio now
rallies the mob. “Revolt against the masses?† asked
Jeffrey Hart. “Limbaugh is the masses.† 
In place of the permanent things, we get Happy Meal conservatism: cheap,
childish, familiar. Gone are the internal tensions, the
thought-provoking paradoxes, the ideological uneasiness that marked the
early Right. But however much this dumbing down has damaged the
conservative brand, it appeals to millions of Americans.
McDonald’s profits rose 80 percent last year.
There is a lowbrow liberalism, too, but the Left hasn’t learned
how to market it. Consider again the failure of liberals at the
talk-radio format, with the bankruptcy of Air America always put forward
as an example. Yet in fact liberals are very successful at talk radio.
They are just no good at the lowbrow sort. The “Rush Limbaugh
Show† may be first in those current Talkers magazine rankings,
but second and third are National Public Radio’s
“Morning Edition† and “All Things
Considered,† with 13 million weekly listeners each. It is easy
to mock the studied gentility, affectless voices, and reflexive
liberalism of NPR, but these are very successful radio programs.
Liberals are getting rather good at talk TV, too. The key to this
medium, they have discovered, is irony. I don’t take this
political stuff seriously, I assure you, but really, these damn fool
Republicans... Bill Maher, Jon Stewart, and Stephen Colbert offer
different styles of irony, but none leaves any shadow of doubt where his
political sympathies lie. Liberals have done well to master this trick,
but it depends too much on facial expressions and body
languageâ€"the double-take, the arched eyebrow, the knowing
smirkâ€"to transfer to radio. It is, in any case, not quite
populism, the target audience being mainly the ironic
cohortâ€"college-educated Stuff White People Like types.
If liberals can’t do populism, the converse is also true:
conservatives are not much good at gentility. We don’t do
affectless voices, it seems. There are genteel conservative
eventsâ€"I’ve been to about a million of them and have the
NoDoz pharmacy receipts to prove itâ€"but they preach to the
converted. If anything, they reinforce the ghettoization of
conservatism, of which talk radio’s echo chamber is the major
symptom. We don’t know how to speak to that vast segment of the
American middle class that lives sensiblyâ€"indeed,
conservativelyâ€"wishes to be thought generous and good, finds
everyday politics boring, and has a horror of strong opinions. This
untapped constituency might be receptive to interesting radio programs
with a conservative slant.
Even better than NPR as a listening experience is the BBC’s
Radio 4. One of the few things I used to look forward to on my
occasional visits to the mother country was Radio 4, which almost always
had something interesting to say on the 90-minute drive from Heathrow to
my hometown. One current feature is “America, Empire of
Liberty,† a thumbnail history of the U.S. for British listeners.
The show’s viewpoint is entirely conventional but pitched just
right for a middlebrow radio audience. Why can’t conservatives
do radio like that? Instead we have crude cheerleading for world-saving
Wilsonianism, social utopianism, and a cloth-eared, moon-booted
Republican administration.
You might object that the Right didn’t need talk radio to ruin
it; it was quite capable of ruining itself. At sea for a uniting cause
once the Soviet Union had fallen, buffaloed by master gamers in
Congress, outfoxed by Bill Clinton, then seduced by the vapid
“compassionate conservatism† of Rove and Bush, the
post-Cold War Right cheerfully dug its own grave. And there was some
valiant resistance from conservative talk radio to Bush’s
crazier initiatives, like “comprehensive immigration
reform† and the Medicare prescription-drug extravaganza.
But there was not much confrontation with other deep social and economic
problems. The unholy marriage of social engineering and high finance
that ended with our present ruin was left largely unanalyzed from
reluctance to slight a Republican administration. Plenty of people saw
what was coming. There was Ron Paul, for example: “Our present
course ... is not sustainable. ... Our spendthrift ways are going to
come to an end one way or another. Politicians won’t even
mention the issue, much less face up to it.†
Neither will the GOP pep squad of conservative talk radio. And Ron Paul,
you know, has a cousin whose best friend’s daughter was once
dog-walker for a member of the John Birch Society. So much for him!
Why engage an opponent when an epithet is in easy reach? Some are crude:
rather than debating Jimmy Carter’s views on Mideast peace,
Michael Savage dismisses him as a “war criminal.† Others
are juvenile: Mark Levin blasts the Washington Compost and New York
Slimes.
But for all the bullying bluster of conservative talk-show hosts, their
essential attitude is one of apology and submissionâ€"the dreary old
conservative cringe. Their underlying metaphysic is the same as the
liberals’: infinite human potentialâ€"Yes, we can!â€"if
only we get society right. To the Left, getting society right involves
shoveling us around like truckloads of concrete; to the Right, it means
banging on about responsibility, God, and tax cuts while deficits
balloon, Congress extrudes yet another social-engineering fiasco, and
our armies guard the Fulda Gap. That human beings have limitations and
that wise social policy ought to accept the factâ€"some problems
insoluble, some Children Left Behindâ€"is as unsayable on
“Hannity† as it is on “All Things
Considered.† 
I enjoy these radio bloviators (and their TV equivalents) and hope they
can survive the coming assault from Left triumphalists. If conservatism
is to have a future, though, it will need to listen to more than the
looped tape of lowbrow talk radio. We could even tackle the matter of
tone, bringing a sportsman’s respect for his opponents to the
debate.
I repeat: There is nothing wrong with lowbrow conservatism. Ideas must
be marketed, and right-wing talk radio captures a big and useful market
segment. However, if there is no thoughtful, rigorous presentation of
conservative ideas, then conservatism by default becomes the raucous
parochialism of Limbaugh, Savage, Hannity, and company. That loses us a
market segment at least as useful, if perhaps not as big.  
Conservatives have never had, and never should have, a problem with
elitism. Why have we allowed carny barkers to run away with the
Right?   
__________________________________________


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