Sudah menjadi fakta sejarah bahwa H. Tubagus Chasan Sochib adalah orang yang
sangat keras menentang pembentukan provinsi Banten. Alasan yang sering
dikemukakannnya waktu itu adalah SDM Banten yang belum siap. Tulisan Okamoto
sudah mengungkap alasan sebenarnya penolakan itu. Ketika hasrat pembentukan
provinsi arus tidak mungkin dibendung lagi, dia pun berbalik arah, dan anehnya
mendapat tempat terhormat sebagai ketua dewan penasehat di Bakor. Setelah
banten jadi provinsi, dialah yang paling antusias dan tidak sabar untuk segera
berkuasa. Pertemuan-pertemuan pengurus Bakor pasca-pembentukan sangat diwarnai
oleh hasrat beliau untuk menempatkan putrinya jadi wakil gubernur. Dalamsebuah
rapat di rumah Sekum Bakor, Farich Nahril, tanpa tedeng aling-aling dia minta
Tryana Sjam'un menjadi gubernur dan Atut jadi wakilnya. Tidak syak lagi,
setelah itu Tryana pun sering dijadikan bahan guyonan alias canda khas kalau
laki-laki lagi ngumpul. Pengiriman Djoko Munandar ke bui, saya ragu
apakah itu bisa dicatat sebagai prestasi penegakan hukum di Banten. Setelah
itu Chasan Sochib boleh dibilang tidak terbendung,dan hampir saja menguasai
Tangerang. Okamoto, saya kira, benar: Banten perlahan tapi pasti akan terus
memudar (dan kemudian terpuruk) jika kepemimpinan Banten didominasi oleh kaum
jawara, H. Tubagus Chasan Sochib dan para penerusnya.
Saya mungkin salah, sang gubernur jenderal mengingatkan saya pada seorang
jagoan Quraisy Mekkah yaitu Abu Sofyan. Penentang gigih Nabi ini akhirnya masuk
Islam in the last minutes ketika arus perjuangan Nabi tidak bisa dibendung
lagi. Abu Sofyan memang tidak berkuasa, tapi anaknyalah, Mu'awiyah, yang kelak
berkuasa menggantikan pemerintahan Khulafaur Rasyidin, untuk kemudian diganti
dengan sistem kerajaan di bawah Dinasti Umaiyah. Tidak semua penguasa Bani
Umaiyah buruk memang, sebab sejarah mencatat pula seorang khalifah Umayah yang
terkenal adil dan bersih yaitu Umar ibn Abdil Azis.
Saya berharap hal ini pun akan berlaku pula pada Bani Chasan Sochib yang
sekarang banyak diuntungkan secara ekonomi di Banten, untuk menempuh cara-cara
yang lebih civilized, cerdas dan bermartabat
primasaja <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
Chasan Sochib: Aku Gubernur Jenderal
âI am the governor generalâ says local boss H.Tb. Chasan
Sochib. He is a peculiar (or typical) type of local boss
in decentralized Indonesia. How and why did he become so
powerful?
By Okamoto Masaaki
Six years have passed since Soehartoâs fall paved the way
for democratisation; three since Habibieâs rise opened the
door to decentralization. While researchers have addressed
local politics and decentralization in post-Suharto
Indonesia, few have concentrated on the political dynamics
and structures of any one locality. We have a general
picture of regents (bupati) and mayors (walikota) behaving
like âsmall kingsâ (raja kecil) and local politicians
desperate on bupati/walikota for money, but these do not
provide a clear picture about who controls political and
economic resources or how this takes place within the
institutional setting of the regional autonomy law. The
following sections trace the economic and political rise
of one local boss in the Banten area: H.Tb. Chasan Sochib.
The New Order in Banten
The Banten area, previously a part of West Java province,
is comprised of Serang, Lebak, Pandeglang and Tangerang
regencies and the cities of Cilegon and Tangerang. The
north is the rich industrial area while the south is poor
and agricultural. The New Order regime in Banten cemented
the ethnic divide between rulers and the ruled, which had
its roots in the Dutch colonial period. Mainly Sundanese
hold the important administrative and military positions
of bupati, regional secretary and district military
commander.
Bantenese informal leaders â Islamic teachers (ulama) and
local strongmen (jawara) â were co opted into the
political machines of the governing party, Golkar, in the
early 1970s. In 1971 ulama were organized into the Ulama
Work Squad (SatKar Ulama). Local Jawara were organized
into the Martial Artist Work Squad (SatKar Pendekar) in
1972, renamed the Indonesian Union of Bantenese Men of
Martial Arts, Art and Culture (PPPSBBI). Jawara are men of
prowess in traditional selfdefence (silat) and wear black
uniforms and carry machetes.
In Banten jawara are culturally recognized as robust and
often reckless criminal types. The one hundred twenty- two
PPPSBBI-affiliated silat schools in Banten were mobilized
to support Golkar during the election, alongside the
military and police. Chasan Sochib was the jawara who
became the SatKar Pendekarâs general chairman and one of
the executive committee members of the SatKar Ulama. He
could act as a bridge between the military, bureaucracy
and Golkar, and the Banten informal world. According to
Chasan Sochib, three thousand jawara serve him and are on
standby at all times.
Product of the New Order
Chasan Sochib was born in Serang regency in 1930. He
attended Islamic boarding schools before joining a
guerrilla warfare unit during the revolutionary period.
His working life began in 1967, providing logistical
support to the Siliwangi military division. Two years
later he founded a construction company, PT Sinar Ciomas
Raya, which frequently won government tenders for road and
market construction projects. His involvements spread to
the Krakatau Steel State Company, the largest steel
company in Southeast Asia, and into tourism and real
estate while holding key positions in associations such as
the Regional and Central Chambers of Commerce and Trade
(Kadin) and the Indonesian National Contractorsâ
Association (Gapensi), putting his men on their local
executive committees. Certifications from Kadin and
Gapensi are necessary for government procurement. Chasan
Sochib utilized this to coordinate projects in the
Banten area. Coordination brought him more money; jawara
under his control became his (sub) contractors and
received a share of his profits.
Chasan Sochibâs activities are not limited to the jawara
and business worlds. One of the founders of a private
university and the Banten Museum, he remains the head of
the Serang branch of Generation â45 (the committee for
exindependent war fighters). He has become powerful in all
aspects of Bantenese life; thus outsiders appointed as top
bureaucrats relied on him and his network as a bridge to
the Bantenese world. The fall of Suharto in May 1997
changed this informal governing system. Chasan Sochib,
product of the New Order, was endangered.
Birth of the reformed Chasan Sochib The Reformasi echoed
in Banten. Students mounted a nationwide protest movement
against Suharto and his regime, demanding his resignation
and the reformation of government. Student demonstrators
criticized Chasan Sochib for his closeness to Suharto. He
responded: âYou know, Pak Harto (Suharto) is still our
president. We should respect him!â But his attitude
changed when Suharto resigned. When students confronted
him, he jumped on the Reformasi bandwagon. He quickly
became reformed in utterance.
A favourable wind has blown for Chasan Sochib. The
movement to establish Banten province began in February
1999, demanding the separation of the Banten area from
West Java province. At first Chasan Sochib was far from
supportive; his company was engaged in a large-scale road
construction project by the West Java provincial
government. When he realized that the movement had
deep-rooted and wide support in Banten, he became an
enthusiastic proponent. He became the general adviser to
the Coordination Committee to Establish Banten Province
(Bakor) in February 2000. Mass mobilization, money and
lobbying the centre bore fruit. In October 2000, the law
establishing Banten province passed in parliament.
Thousands of Bantenese welcomed it and Chasan Sochib was
on their side.
Entrenched power
Chasan Sochib turned to his old methods â reliance on
jawara â to sway Banten province, first economically and
then politically. Co-opted by the centrally appointed
non-Bantenese province provisional governor to guarantee
the security of the province, he was rewarded with
numerous projects. He became the new Banten provincial
branch head of Kadin and of Gapensi, and of the
Construction Business Development Committee (LPJK).
He became politically powerful too. In December 2001,
elections for provincial governor were held in the
provincial parliament and a Javanese politician, Joko
Munandar from the Development United Party (PPP) and
Chasan Sochibâs political lay daughter, Atut Chosiyah from
Golkar, won the governor and vice governorships. This
would have been impossible without Chasan Sochibâs support
and jawara pressure on parliamentarians.
Now Chasan Sochib could intervene in provincial government
policies on personnel and budgeting. His construction
company won tenders for the Banten Regional Police
Headquarters, the Provincial Parliament, the Provincial
Government Complex and several main roads at inflated
prices. The provincial parliament is unable or unwilling
to check his influence. Referring to the traditional
market where Chasan Sochib and his associates have their
offices, provincial legislators often say âWe just wait
for the agreement from the Rauâ. Referring back to an
earlier era, Chasan Sochib proudly stated: âI am actually
the Governor-General. If he (Joko Munandar) goes wrong in
leading Banten, I will correct him. As I am most
responsible for him. He rose with my support.
Naturally there is opposition to
Chasan Sochibâs dominance in Banten. Ex-Bakor members have
formed an anti-Chasan Sochib organisation, though it has
remained ineffective thus far. Newspapers cannot be too
critical of him; machetes may well be the reward for
criticism. Conclusion The 2004 general election passed
peacefully in Banten, though invalid votes reached two
million out of about six million votes and jawara were
dispersed to various parties. There was no large-scale
violence as political parties committed themselves not to
mobilize jawara. Chasan Sochib was one of the Golkar
spokesmen. Golkar barely won with about 21% of the valid
votes. Is this a problem for Chasan Sochib? Seemingly not,
as he still keeps jawara in hand and holds top positions
in business associations with his men on the board, keeps
good relationships with the military and police and
appoints his favourites to governorship.
Chasan Sochib or his successorâs dominance may fade if
Bantenese stop considering jawara as legitimate leaders.
If not, the same pattern will most likely continue.
Okamoto Masaaki is associate professor at the Center for
Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, Japan. He is
finishing his dissertation on local politics in
decentralized Indonesia.
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Diposting oleh Chasan Sochib Dinasti di 22:48
Label: banten, dinasti, goodfather, gubernur
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