-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the June 15, 2000
issue of Workers World newspaper
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FROM ASIA TO EUROPE: U.S. "MISSILE SHIELD" PLAN ALARMS 
WORLD

By Fred Goldstein

President Bill Clinton's latest tour of Western Europe, 
Russia and the Ukraine has ended in a fiasco. He was there 
as a sales rep for the Pentagon and the military-industrial 
complex to peddle the so-called "missile shield." But no 
one was buying. 

Not that he was actually going to sell the system to 
Europe or Russia. On the contrary. The U.S. wants the 
exclusive right to deploy a complex, high-tech, anti-
missile system that would increase Washington's military 
dominance over both its European imperialist rivals and the 
Russian counterrevolutionary bourgeoisie--while raising a 
significant threat to the People's Republic of China. 

Such is the arrogance of U.S. imperialism that it is 
trying to strong-arm its adversaries into giving 
"permission" for its military domination over the world. 

At issue is the deployment of a misnamed National Missile 
Defense (NMD) system. This system would be composed of 
ground-based, advanced radar stations, satellite-based 
sensors and a battery of anywhere from 100 to 250 missile 
interceptors. The interceptors would be placed in Alaska 
and the radar stations would be dispersed all over, from 
Greenland to Asia. 

According to the Congressional Office of the Budget, the 
system would cost $60 billion by the time it is scheduled 
to be deployed-the first 25 interceptors in the year 2005 
and up to 100 by the year 2007. This is not counting cost 
overruns.

NOT `DEFENSE' BUT FIRST STRIKE

This system is deliberately misnamed as a "defense" system 
to conceal its aggressive nature. A functional anti-missile 
system is fundamentally a first-strike weapon. It frees up 
the U.S. to make an attack on a country, nuclear or 
conventional, and without fear of retaliation.

The Pentagon, the State Department and the White House 
have tried to sell the system based on creating a hysteria 
against so-called "rogue states," principally the 
Democratic People's Republic of Korea and also Iraq and 
Iran. They base much of this hysteria on the fact that the 
DPRK launched a missile over Japan in 1998 to send up a 
satellite.

"Rogue state" is an inflammatory label invented by the U.S. 
government that really applies to themselves. If there is 
any "rogue state," a state that sets itself apart by its 
unmitigated viciousness and isolationist disregard for the 
rest of the 180-plus states in the world, it is the U.S. 
government. This is the government that unleashed on the 
world the horror of nuclear arms. It is the only government 
in the world that ever used nuclear weapons. And it is the 
one government that makes nuclear terror the fundamental 
basis of its military strategy. Most recently, it is 
drenched in the blood of the Yugoslav and Iraqi people. Its 
crimes are too numerous to list. It is truly a "rogue 
state" that has pitted itself against the entire world. 

In fact, the NMD system is an extreme danger to the DPRK. 
The idea that the DPRK would launch an unprovoked attack on 
the U.S. is too ludicrous to even contemplate. But it takes 
little imagination to envision the U.S. and its puppets in 
south Korea, with 37,000 U.S. troops on the ground and 
close to 1,000 nuclear weapons in the area, provoking a 
military conflict to overthrow the socialist government in 
Pyongyang. 

The NMD system is designed precisely to eliminate any 
potential nuclear deterrent, either by the DPRK or the 
People's Republic of China, to such an act of aggression by 
U.S. imperialism. The same military reasoning applies to 
Iraq or Iran, both of which have been attacked by the U.S.

In fact, an anti-missile system has long been regarded as 
such a dangerous military development that such systems 
were strictly forbidden by the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile 
agreement between the U.S. and the USSR. But with the 
destruction of the USSR, and the advent of the decadent, 
counter-revolutionary regime in Russia, which has 
bankrupted the country and allowed its military 
establishment to deteriorate, the relationship of military 
force has changed drastically in favor of Washington. And 
now the Pentagon is pushing to tear up this form of 
restraint upon its aggressive designs.

EUROPEAN RIVALS OPPOSED TO NMD

Such dangerous developments have caused consternation 
among the European imperialist "allies." According to the 
New York Times of June 2, "German Chancellor Gerhard 
Schroeder warned President Clinton . that Europeans fear 
that plans for a U.S. missile defense system could set off 
a new arms race and provoke fresh instability in Russia."

During a 90-minute meeting, originally supposed to last 
only 20 minutes, "the two leaders verbally dueled over the 
dangers and protections they foresee if the U.S. launches 
its reinvention of the 1980s `Star Wars,' " continued the 
Times article. " `We have to be very careful that any such 
project does not re-trigger the process of a renewed arms 
race,' Schroeder told journalists after the talks." 

Schroeder was expressing the dismay of the European ruling 
class with this new attempt by Washington to exert absolute 
world dominance. The European imperialists were recently 
humiliated by the exercise of U.S. military domination in 
NATO's war of aggression against Yugoslavia. They are just 
now trying to develop their own 60,000-troop rapid 
deployment force and the military capability behind it to 
exert some semblance of military independence from the 
Pentagon. 

Now they are confronted with the hopeless choice of 
falling further behind Washington or engaging in an 
expensive new technological arms race which the U.S. is 
bound to win.

CLINTON IN MOSCOW

Things did not go any better for Clinton in Moscow. The 
Putin regime was adamant. "The Cold War may be over," wrote 
the Dow Jones Newswire on June 5, "but there was a distinct 
chill in the summer air in Moscow Sunday when U.S. 
President Bill Clinton wound up a summit with Russian 
President Vladimir Putin with no major agreements, no use 
of first names and no smiles." 

Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbot said that 
"President Putin made it absolutely clear to President 
Clinton that Russia continues to oppose changes in the ABM 
treaty that the United States has proposed since last 
September." He added, according to Dow Jones, that "Russia 
believes that NMD will undermine strategic stability, 
threaten Russia's strategic deterrent, and provoke a new 
arms race."

Clinton tried to sell the missile interceptor system to 
Putin on the grounds that it could only shoot down a small 
number of missiles and therefore could "only" be directed 
against states with small numbers of missiles, such as the 
DPRK or China. But Putin did not buy the argument that 
Washington would limit itself. Nor do the Russian 
capitalists necessarily look forward to the U.S. 
establishing further dominance in Asia.

Whether Putin was putting on a public display of hostility 
for the sake of political appearances to distance himself 
from Yeltsin's consistently humiliating policy of 
capitulation to the White House, the Pentagon and the IMF, 
only time will tell. Both sides tried to paper over the 
impasse with side agreements on the destruction of 
plutonium stockpiles and a joint early-warning monitoring 
system. But for the moment, Clinton hit a stone wall.

CHINA WARNS OF GLOBAL ARMS RACE

What has received less publicity, but which is in the 
short run the most important consequence of the deployment, 
is its affect on the PRC. Early last month China's chief 
arms negotiator, Sha Zukang, had an interview with the New 
York Times declaring the missile shield to be "an 
unacceptable threat to China's security." (New York Times, 
May 11)

The NMD "would leave China dangerously vulnerable to 
bullying or attack, said Mr. Sha, the Foreign Ministry's 
director general for arms control. If that appears likely, 
`We won't sit on our hands.' The American proposal, he 
said, would spark a new global arms race and possibly what 
he called a `nightmare scenario' of weapons proliferation." 

The Times article pointed out that "Since the 1960s 
[China] has avoided trying to match American and Soviet 
arsenals, instead keeping a small number of missiles as a 
minimal deterrent, able to retaliate in the event of an 
attack.

" `To defeat your defenses we'll have to spend a lot of 
money, and we don't want to do this,' Mr. Sha said, adding 
that China's greater priority is economic development. `But 
otherwise, the United States will feel it can attack anyone 
at any time, and that isn't tolerable,' " reported the 
Times.

Despite all the maneuvering and diplomatic dancing between 
Wall Street and the government of the PRC over trade, the 
fundamental hostility of U.S. imperialism towards the 
socialist government of China is expressed in this 
escalating military pressure. And it was exerted at the 
very moment that Congress was voting for Permanent Normal 
Trade Relations with China.

`FULL COURT PRESS' AGAINST CHINA

The PRC is no doubt aware of the Pentagon's Asia strategy, 
alluded to in an article in the Washington Post of May 26. 
"When Pentagon officials first sat down last year to update 
the core planning document of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 
they listed China as a potential future adversary, a 
momentous change from the Cold War," wrote the Post.

"When the final version of the document, titled `Joint 
Vision 2020,' is released next week," continued the Post, 
"it will be far more discreet. Rather than explicitly 
pointing at China, it simply will warn of the possible rise 
of an unidentified `peer competitor.' " 

In fact, the new push for a missile system directed at 
China and the DPRK is a strategy directly taken from the 
Cold War. In addition to the military threat, it is an 
attempt to undermine socialist construction by diverting 
vast financial and intellectual resources to military 
spending. 

It was Reagan's $2-trillion "full court press" of military 
spending that did a great deal to undermine the morale of 
the USSR and bring to the fore the most reactionary 
elements, headed by Mikhail Gorbachev, who wanted to make a 
complete accommodation with imperialism. This helped set 
the stage to go from accommodation to counter-revolution. 
The NMD is a full military, economic and political strategy 
of the most aggressive character.

This U.S. offensive against Asia, Russia, Europe and the 
rest of the world must be opposed by the masses of workers 
and oppressed people at home. The consequences of the 
Pentagon's quest for world domination are intensified 
hardship at home. The tens of billions in new military 
appropriations will not come out of the vaults of the rich 
but from the pockets of the masses of people. This will be 
expressed in less spending on education, housing, medical 
care, childcare and all social services.

It will result in another huge transfer of wealth from the 
working class to the military-industrial complex. Some $60 
billion has already been spent on research since Reagan 
first announced the plan, called the Strategic Defense 
Initiative at that time. Now the major players--Lockheed 
Martin, Boeing, Raytheon and TRW Inc., together with 
Northrup Grumman and thousands of subcontractors across the 
country--are waiting to gather in the contracts. 

HESITATIONS IN THE RULING CLASS

There are hesitations in the ruling class over whether 
this system can really work. There are other hesitations 
over whether it is better to spend the money on other, more 
immediately desired means of aggression. There is 
vacillation in the ruling class over whether the whole 
endeavor is worth the risk of political destabilization. 

Clinton has said he will make a decision by November, but 
there is strong pressure in some sections of the ruling 
class to hold off on the decision for the moment. Such a 
momentous step inevitably produces conflict among the 
bosses.

But the long-term prospect for stopping the development of 
this new phase of militarism on a truly progressive basis 
lies in the mass movement. All movement activists and 
organizations of the workers and the oppressed, from the 
unions to the community, need to get together in an anti-
militarist front and say no to the Pentagon. 

                         - END -

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