-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Oct. 19, 2000
issue of Workers World newspaper
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COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENTS IN YUGOSLAVIA:
STRUGGLE CONTINUES DESPITE SETBACK IN BELGRADE

By Sara Flounders
and John Catalinotto

Faced with enormous pressure from the United States and its 
NATO allies, a demonstration of 200,000 people in Belgrade 
demanding that he step down, and violent attacks by smaller 
organized paramilitary units, Yugoslav President Slobodan 
Milosevic resigned Oct. 6.

These events pose two questions of vital importance for the 
working-class, anti-war and progressive movements around the 
world.

The first is: Which side are you on? Was this a people's 
victory, as the corporate media claim, or a setback for the 
working class in Yugoslavia and worldwide?

The second question determines the outcome of this ongoing 
struggle: Which class will control the state--that is, the 
army, the police, the laws and the courts? Will the 
international capitalist class that controls the World Bank, 
the International Monetary Fund, the big investment banks 
and the multinational corporations also control all the 
levers of economic and political life in Yugoslavia?

The mass demonstration gave the developments the appearance 
of a revolutionary uprising. But it was a false appearance, 
for the event was a NATO-backed counter-revolutionary coup 
that is still incomplete and can be resisted.

NATO LEADERS CHEER KOSTUNICA

The most obvious indication of the character of what 
happened came from the leaders of the NATO countries that 
carried out the brutal 11-week bombing campaign against 
Yugoslavia last year. The wild cheering by U.S. President 
Bill Clinton, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, British 
Prime Minister Tony Blair, German Chancellor Gerhard 
Schroeder and his Green Party Foreign Minister Joshka 
Fischer should clarify the significance of last week's 
events for anyone who thought that the vote for Vojislav 
Kostunica or the upheaval in Belgrade was a victory for 
democracy.

Drunk with their apparent success and anxious to take credit 
for it, politicians from Washington to Berlin are now 
bragging about their organized efforts to overturn the 
Milosevic government.

HERE ARE SOME EXAMPLES:

"Oct. 7 (Reuters)--Germany said on Saturday it had supported 
the Yugoslav opposition with millions of marks in financial 
aid.

"Norway also said it had helped fund the Yugoslav 
opposition's election campaign, which led to victory by 
opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica and soon afterwards 
to the overthrow of strongman President Slobodan Milosevic.

"[The German weekly] Der Spiegel said around $30 million, 
mostly from the United States, was channeled through an 
office in Budapest.

"Another 45 million marks ($20 million) from Germany and 
other Western states went to cities that were under 
opposition control. Der Spiegel said the Foreign Ministry 
sent around 17 million marks through 16 German towns, which 
also contributed."

"Oct. 9 (Agence France Presse)--The chairman of the U.S. 
Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Henry Shelton, praised 
Bulgaria on Monday for helping bring about the downfall of 
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic."

Their tactics included pumping tens of millions of dollars 
into opposition parties in a starving economy distorted by 
eight years of sanctions. Behind this were open military 
threats to use NATO bombs and troops stationed in 
surrounding countries if Milosevic won, and well-advertised 
promises to end the sanctions and begin an era of peace and 
prosperity if Kostunica was elected.

Kostunica is a minor anti-communist politician and professor 
of constitutional law backed by 18 small and completely 
divergent parties that Washington cobbled together into the 
"Democratic Opposition of Serbia" with funds and arm-
twisting. Kostunica ran on the economic program of the Group 
of 17, drafted by economists in Yugoslavia who work for the 
IMF and World Bank. Their "solutions" for Yugoslavia involve 
ending free medical care and all subsidies for rent, food 
and transportation.

They would transform the whole economy, with most industries 
rapidly privatized and the profitable ones sold cheaply to 
foreign investors. Even in far more prosperous economies, 
this shock treatment has resulted in massive layoffs.

One can look at how the living standards for the workers of 
Yugoslavia's neighbors, Romania and Bulgaria, plummeted 
after they opened their economies to the imperialist banks 
and followed IMF rules.

But that seems to be exactly what Kostunica's forces have in 
mind. Reuters reported Oct. 10 that DOS economist Miroljub 
Labus said the IMF would allow Yugoslavia into the fold by 
Dec. 14 if the opposition forms its government soon.

ROLE OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY

Despite many concessions and compromises, Milosevic's 
Socialist Party of Serbia has struggled to maintain the 
independence of Yugoslavia. This earned it the animosity of 
imperialist reaction worldwide. For 10 years the U.S. and 
European Union imperialists made every possible effort to 
dismember the Yugoslav Socialist Federation and wipe out 
even the memory of this multinational state--while the SPS 
and its partner, the Yugoslav United Left, resisted.

The corporate media demonized Milosevic, calling him a 
dictator. But he and his party were elected to their 
leadership role in Yugoslavia, won respect for leading the 
heroic Yugoslav people during the 11 weeks of fighting NATO 
aggression, and defended the Yugoslav economy from 
imperialist penetration.

It's true that the SPS lost the active support of the 
working class, its original base. The party has so far been 
unable to mobilize street demonstrations to defend itself 
while under attack. Still, Milosevic won 2 million votes and 
the SPS still legally leads important parliamentary bodies, 
including the Federal Yugoslav and Serb parliaments.

But it would be foolish to believe that Washington and its 
clients in Yugoslavia will limit their tactics to 
parliamentary legality.

BATTLE FOR STATE POWER

In a period of peaceful competition and discussion, the 18 
DOS parties backing Kostunica would rapidly split apart. 
Kostunica is a monarchist and Serb nationalist, while other 
parties in the coalition are anti-monarchist and fight for 
independence for the provinces of Vojvodina and Sandja from 
Serbia.

In addition, any long period of peaceful political 
competition would prove Kostunica's economic program a 
bigger disaster for the Yugoslav workers than the sanctions. 
And the inevitable evaporation of Yugoslav and Serb 
sovereignty would outrage many of his current supporters.

That's why Washington and its agents are switching rapidly 
to extralegal methods to take over the whole state 
apparatus. They have targeted essential government 
ministries, especially state security, police and banking, 
and the entire media apparatus, while violently attacking 
the SPS and other left parties.

In the elections the Socialist Party and the United Left won 
control of both houses of the Federal Parliament. Under the 
Yugoslav Constitution, Parliament is legally more important 
than the presidency, a figurehead position. Even more 
influential is the left-led Serb Parliament, which the DOS 
government has now maneuvered into calling new elections for 
December.

The imperialist strategists are pushing to move quickly to 
command the whole state, which also means purging the 
leadership of the police and destroying the Yugoslav Army, 
which is rooted in the 1945 socialist revolution and the 
anti-Nazi Partisan struggle.

Without an armed apparatus to defend themselves, the people 
and especially the workers of Yugoslavia will be at the 
mercy of the imperialist bankers and industrialists, who 
have NATO forces in Kosovo and surrounding countries and 
their own agents in Belgrade.

IMPERIALISM'S EXTRALEGAL GANGS

The anti-Milosevic gangs have also attacked left parties and 
government centers. Velimir Ilic, the mayor of Cacac and a 
deserter who refused to cooperate with the Yugoslav Army 
during last year's resistance to NATO, boasted to the New 
York Times that he organized anti-Milosevic commandos.

Ilic said: "We established a team of young professionals, 
paratroopers from the Yugoslav Army and young policemen, and 
we coordinated this with the most elite units of the 
Interior Ministry Police in Belgrade. We got martial arts 
experts and professional boxers to join us. We even had 
plainclothes police coordinating with nearby towns."

Ilic told Agence France-Presse he had 2,000 people and that 
some were armed. "A number of us had bulletproof vests and 
arms," he said. "Our goal was very clear, take control of 
the key institutions of the regime, including parliament and 
the television." He didn't say if they were paid, and if so, 
where he got the money. But he claimed his forces, dressed 
in police uniforms, opened Parliament and sowed confusion in 
the police ranks. Inside, he introduced his gang to Zoran 
Djindjic, Kostunica's campaign manager.

According to Michel Collon, correspondent of the Belgian 
weekly Solidaire reporting from Belgrade, Djindjic 
coordinated the attacks on Parliament and Serbian 
television. Djindjic used threats and pressure against 
journalists to take over the major public television, radio 
and print media, including the daily newspaper Politika.

Djindjic's gangsters also vandalized and wrecked the 
Belgrade headquarters of the SPS and the smaller New 
Communist Party of Yugoslavia shortly after the seizure of 
Parliament. In addition, homes of SPS activists have been 
burned in and near Belgrade, and there have been even more 
serious incidents in the provinces.

THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES

On Oct. 10, the DOS leadership made an agreement with the 
Socialist People's Party of Montenegro to make that party's 
leader, Pedrag Bulatovic, the new premier in the Federal 
Parliament of Yugoslavia. Bulatovic said his party, which 
had been aligned with Milosevic's SPS, wanted to form a 
government with the DOS which "balances political forces in 
the federal parliament."

Another dozen paragraphs would be needed to explain all the 
possible parliamentary maneuvering. But this is really 
secondary. Washington and its agents will use every kind of 
pressure on individuals, political parties and the 
population as a whole to keep peaceful democratic 
competition from reversing its counter-revolution.

Collon and other reporters in Belgrade have noted that the 
population was disgusted by the burning of Parliament and 
the other violence. "Even the Kostunica supporters say they 
voted for a better life, not for revenge." But if the police 
and army withdraw from keeping order, only the active 
organization of the left can defend its positions.

Yugoslavia's defense minister, Gen. Dragoljub Ojdanic, urged 
the SPS to rally. In an open letter, Ojdanic warned the 
Serbs might otherwise face extinction as a people. He said 
that "disunity among the Serbs is inciting the plans of our 
proven enemies" to occupy the country, referring to NATO's 
ties to the DOS.

Here in the United States it's important first that the left 
understand that what happened Oct. 5-6 was a setback for the 
workers and for Yugoslavia's sovereignty. What is called for 
is active solidarity with those in Yugoslavia who continue 
to resist these counter-revolu tionary developments, whether 
they be in the SPS, the other left parties, the unions, or 
the army and the police.

Imperialism has ripped and clawed its way into a position of 
considerable power in Yugoslavia today. But the struggle 
continues.

The writers were organizers of this year's June 10 
International War Crimes Tribunal in New York that exposed 
U.S./NATO crimes during the 78-day bombing of Yugoslavia.

- END -

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