-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Sept. 5, 2002
issue of Workers World newspaper
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UNION SHOWS ITS MUSCLE: 
LONGSHORE WORKERS STAND UP TO BUSH, BOSSES

By Milt Neidenberg
Retired Teamster

Class warfare is heating up on the West Coast docks, even 
though the International Longshore and Warehouse Union 
(ILWU) has not yet taken a strike authorization vote.

Since July 1, when its contract expired, negotiations have 
gone nowhere. The Pacific Maritime Association (PMA), 
emboldened by crass anti-union intervention by the Bush 
administration and backed up by a powerful conglomerate of 
global shipping companies, trade associations and retailers 
called the West Coast Waterfront Coalition, is hell bent on 
breaking up the union.

WORKERS TO REVELERS: 'CONTRACT NOW!'

All this has fired up the rank and file. When Maersk 
Sealand, the largest shipping company in the world, opened a 
new facility in Los Angeles on Aug. 15, nearly 2,000 
militant longshore workers and their supporters were 
outside. The company had built a huge wall of shipping 
containers to protect its opulent guests as they celebrated 
the opening of the largest terminal in the world.

Nevertheless, the revelers could hear the demonstrators roar 
their demands: "What do we want? CONTRACT! When do we want 
it? NOW!"

Two small planes flew low trailing banners: "ILWU wants a 
contract now." Eight boats with similar banners moved close 
to shore, gunning their engines as they passed near two 
Coast Guard ships and two Port Police boats protecting the 
extravagant affair. Simultaneously, the Danish dockworkers' 
union delivered a protest letter to the company's 
headquarters in Copenhagen.

The longshore rank and file remember well that last year 
when Maersk moved over 58,000 shipping containers from a 
port facility, it used scab drivers in violation of the ILWU 
contract. Maersk, a hard-liner, is one of the most powerful 
international ship owners represented by the PMA, which is 
demanding outrageous concessions from the ILWU.

The day following the bold action at the Aug. 15 terminal 
opening, hundreds of longshore workers and their supporters 
packed a joint state legislative hearing on federal 
intervention into the port labor negotiations. One after 
another, union speakers--Teamsters, Machinists and others--
weighed in against the Bush administration for its union-
busting threats against the ILWU.

'BUSH HAS AN AGENDA TO CRUSH UNIONS'

Los Angeles County Federation of Labor Executive Secretary-
Treasurer Miguel Contreras summed up the anger of the labor 
movement: "From day one Bush had an agenda to crush unions. 
... No president should be allowed to rob American workers 
of their best weapon ... the right to strike."

These protest demonstrations are not isolated events. The 
ILWU has a rich and profound history in the class struggle, 
dating back to July 5, 1934--"Bloody Thursday"--when San 
Francisco police attacked a longshore picket line, killing 
two workers and injuring hundreds more. Ten days later the 
great historic San Francisco General Strike completely shut 
down the Bay Area. It was led by then ILWU president, the 
indomitable Harry Bridges.

The legacy of those years was expressed eloquently at a 
commemoration this summer in San Francisco, which drew 
overflow crowds. At the ILWU Local 10 hall, President 
Richard Mead captured the spirit of those days of sacrifice, 
courage and struggle. "And here we are today, living 
testament that they did not suffer or die in vain. ... This 
very hiring hall is a monument to their struggle." (ILWU 
Dispatcher, vol. 60, no. 6)

ILWU International President James Spinosa, in the same 
issue of the Dispatcher, reported that he and other union 
officials had been threatened by the Bush administration 
just a few days into the negotiations with the PMA. Spinosa 
was referring to a secret White House task force, which 
includes top officials from the departments of Defense and 
Labor, the Office of Homeland Security and the Council of 
Economic Advisors.

His report to the 10,500 ILWU members was headlined, "Get 
Bush out of our negotiations." Spinosa expressed anger over 
a warning to the union from the task force that if a work 
stoppage, slowdown or job action of any kind were to take 
place, the Bush administration might invoke the Taft-Hartley 
Act or pass special legislation to restrict the union's 
right to bargain collectively. It even threatened to break 
up industry-wide bargaining and mobilize the National Guard 
onto the docks.

The PMA has stiffened its proposals since the Bush threats. 
It demands the right to outsource union work, using 
technological innovations that would cost thousands of 
longshore jobs. It arrogantly insists on the right to break 
up the hiring-hall practices of the union, initiate massive 
cuts in health care and safety requirements--in an industry 
with a high rate of occupational fatalities and permanent 
injuries--and wipe out other benefits won over years of 
struggle.

The ILWU continues to fight back. It broke off negotiations 
for a three-week period and mobilized members and supporters 
to challenge this arrogance of power.

ILWU REACHES OUT AND FINDS ALLIES

The strategy of the union is to change the balance of class 
forces by reaching out to its labor affiliates and broader 
forces in the mass movement.

On Aug. 12 the ILWU coordinated a series of rallies and 
demonstrations up and down the West Coast. Thousands took to 
the streets in Oakland, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Seattle, 
Tacoma and elsewhere to send the Bush administration a 
powerful message. These protests confirmed that the 
solidarity movement is growing by leaps and bounds, both 
here and abroad.

In a July 30 memo to all the organizers of the Aug. 12 
actions, the ILWU national coordinator had stated: "We are 
preparing for a long struggle to win a quality contract 
directly impacting more than 15,000 families in 29 
communities in three states."

Back in June, ILWU President Spinosa had told the 
administration, "Union rights are not a national security 
threat. There will be no productive bargaining until your 
administration gets out of our business."

The spreading of street actions is not good news for the 
Bush administration, the PMA or the West Coast Waterfront 
Coalition. In a memo dated June 4--almost a month before the 
contract expired--the WCWC released the minutes of a meeting 
with the Bush task force and top maritime officials. It 
urged the Bush administration to pressure the union to stay 
at the negotiations to get the concessions it wanted.

It emphasized over and over again its fear "that the union 
was counting on delay and the use of the slowdown to induce 
shippers to put pressure on PMA to fold on virtually all the 
issues as they did in 1999."

Worldwide shippers depend on computerized minimum 
inventories and on-time deliveries that cut labor costs. 
Competition and their insatiable drive for profits make them 
vulnerable to a long and protracted struggle.

BOSSES AFRAID OF 'WORK TO RULES'

These bosses demand more and more productivity and inhuman 
speedup. An article in the July 4 Los Angeles Times by Nancy 
Cleeland gave a true picture of the waterfront. Headlined 
"Workers Told--Faster, Faster," it described "job speedup" 
as a source of injury and illness because it brings 
"exhaustion and pain" and creates "a health and safety 
crisis."

On July 12 the Local 10 Stewards Council Bulletin commented, 
"Longshore workers didn't need to read the LA Times article. 
We are living that grim reality." The stewards reminded the 
members of the Pacific Coast Marine Safety Code and cited 
many of the rules that the employers violate day in and day 
out. They called on their members to work according to those 
rules--which would slow down production. "Take your 15-
minute relief period, and your 10-minute wash-up time before 
lunch and before you finish your eight-hour shift." The 
bosses don't like it, but working by the rules is merely 
invoking the law.

If 10,500 ILWU members rallied around the strategy of "work 
to rules," it might just bring the PMA to its senses and 
force it to bargain in good faith. It would also be a strong 
response to the Bush administration, showing that the 
workplace is ILWU turf.

Most important, the ILWU struggle has proved that a union's 
influence can grow as it exposes the politics of the "war on 
terrorism" and "national security" as really a war against 
union labor, the unorganized, impoverished and oppressed 
workers.

- END -

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