-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Jan. 16, 2003
issue of Workers World newspaper
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BUSH'S "ECONOMIC STIMULUS" PLAN: GUNS FOR THE WORKERS, BUTTER FOR THE RICH

By Leslie Feinberg

Ask people cobbling together a living today what economic stimulus means 
and their first answer would most likely be: A decent job. Health 
insurance that doesn't compete with the ability to pay for groceries. 
Retirement savings that don't evaporate like a mirage. A secure nest egg 
for unexpected emergencies.

And a little left over for exciting recreation and a relaxing vacation.

Neither President George W. Bush's ballyhooed Jan. 7 economic "stimulus" 
program nor the timorous counter-proposal by the Democrats will bring 
this modest goal within fingertip reach for millions living from 
paycheck to paycheck, fretting anxiously over unpaid bills. And what 
about the millions who don't even have a job, who are mired in poverty 
in this, the richest country on the planet?

If the extent of this economic distress sounds hyperbolic, consider 
these statistics that represent flesh and blood lives.

Appeals for emergency food aid--an often arduous and tedious process for 
those with growling bellies--increased an average of 19 percent in 2002, 
according to a 25-city survey released by the U.S. Conference of Mayors 
on Dec. 18.

Almost half the urgent pleas for food came from members of families with 
children. And 38 percent of the adults needing meals were employed. Even 
with a job, they don't earn enough to put food on the table.

As housing costs outstripped incomes, requests for emergency shelter by 
those without a roof over their heads also rose by 19 percent in 2002, 
the sharpest rise in a decade. Twenty-two percent of homeless people in 
the surveyed cities were employed.

The steep increase in numbers of people shivering on cardboard boxes or 
taking refuge from rain under bridges was attributed in this poll to a 
dearth of affordable housing, lack of needed services for mental 
disabilities and addictions, and low-paying jobs.

And the services to support so many lives of quiet desperation are 
disappearing. Cash-poor states are bogged down in a morass of major 
budget deficits caused by economic stagnation and tax cuts for the rich 
and virtually bottomless spending. Now add to that the cost of the 
impending Pentagon invasion of Iraq and "Homeland Security."

California alone is facing a $35-billion budget shortfall. (AP, Jan. 5)

As a result, in states from coast to coast, social service programs that 
could affect the quality of lives are on the chopping block. Last year, 
resources to meet the need for emergency food aid plummeted 52 percent 
in the cities where hunger was gnawing so deeply.

State, federal and municipal employees, who once hoped their jobs would 
be secure for a lifetime after having won unions and benefits like 
health care, are staring a major attack in the face.

In the private economy as well, more mass layoffs are looming. The 
latest shocker came from AT&T, whose bosses just announced that 3,500 
workers are about to get the axe.

These workers face an "economic draft" into the already large army of 
the unemployed.

Even though they knew they'd eventually have to extend them, the House 
of Representatives allowed unemployment benefits to lapse for more than 
750,000 workers on Dec. 28. Jobless workers' gooses were cooked when the 
politicians adjourned for holiday meals without legislating an emergency 
extension.

A BOON FOR BILLIONAIRES

What's the solution?

There's President George W. Bush's "bold" approach, unveiled on Jan. 7. 
The price tag on his economic package--an estimated $674 billion over 10 
years--could go a long way if invested in the lives and working 
conditions of the class hardest hit by economic dislocation.

Instead, Bush sent his chief economic advisor, Stephen Friedman, and 
other top aides to Wall Street and Capitol Hill hawking the 
administration's own brand of snake oil: They claim that windfalls for 
the already wealthy are the antidote for what ails the economy.

Bush wants to rapidly relieve the richest from the burden of taxes. Of 
course, the average tax rate on the profits of the barons of big 
business has already plunged to a nearly six-decade low. (New York 
Times, Jan. 7)

The Bush administration had reportedly considered slowing down already-
passed income tax cuts for the highest-income echelons "in order to 
deflect criticism" over new tax cuts on stock dividends he wants to give 
the rich. (Daily Southtown, Jan. 3)

However, reported The Cincinnati Enquirer, the idea of delaying this 
belated holiday gift to the affluent "prompted a storm of objections 
from conservative groups," and the White House caved.

A centerpiece of Bush's proposal is completely eliminating taxes on 
stock dividend income. In late December the White House floated the idea 
of a 50-percent cut in dividend taxes. But the rich and powerful 
squealed like pigs, so Bush agreed to abolish the tax altogether.

The donation to Wall Street of no more dividend taxes is aimed at 
boosting stock prices. It's a boon to the stock market--the central 
nervous system of the U.S. capitalist economy--in its third year of 
stomach-churning descent.

But the money will go into already deep pockets. The Tax Policy Center 
tabulates that about 64 percent of the benefits from abolishing tax 
dividends will go to the wealthiest 5 percent of taxpayers.

And merely giving big investors more cream off the top doesn't add up to 
capital investment or job creation. Businesses slashed production so 
deeply in 2001 because they had unsold goods, not because they had no 
funds to invest with. Furthermore, the Federal Reserve Bank has lowered 
interest rates so much that it's practically paying businesses to borrow 
money and expand. But they're not doing it--because they know there are 
already more goods on the market than there are buyers.

"The animal spirits of business have been depressed," observed Jerry 
Jasin ow ski, president of the National Association of Manufacturers.

But there's nothing in the Republican or Democratic economic packages 
that will medicate this malaise.

GUNS AND A PAT OF BUTTER

After the GOP gavel opened the 108th session of Congress on Jan. 7, the 
Senate finally approved a five-month extension of unemployment benefits. 
It demonstrated their worries about the duration of the recession and 
their concerns about popular anger as the government goes to war.

The measure was also put forward "in order to quiet critics and improve 
the [budget] proposal's chances of congressional passage," noted several 
major news sources. (post-gazette.com)

The Democrats, with all eyes on the election horizon, claim to be 
fighting the Republican proposal tooth and nail. They're standing up for 
the "little guy," these politicians say.

Their "bailout" package for this year is timid--it offers only chump 
change to working people, like tax rebates of $300 per individual and 
$600 per couple.

It includes $31 billion aid to states, but much of that is earmarked for 
"homeland security projects" that mean more police powers and more 
surveillance. (cnn.com, Jan. 7)

A couple hundred bucks, or a couple of thousand, would be a welcome 
temporary relief for many people scrambling to pay their bills. But in 
the overall game of mega-monopoly, it won't last long.

There's been a $5 trillion drop in household net worth in the three 
years since the economic slowdown began, according to Mickey D. Levy, 
chief economist for Bank of America. (Washington Post, Jan. 3)

That comes to an average of about $75,000 per household. No wonder so 
many credit cards are maxed out and people are struggling with second 
mortgages.

ELEPHANTS, DONKEYS & AN 800-LB. GORILLA

The Republicans and Democrats are hurling demagogic accusations of 
"class warfare" at each other about their economic proposals.

"There is no question," intoned Daniel Mitchell, an economist at the 
right-wing, pro-Republican Heritage Foundation, "that the left will try 
to drag out the pagan god of class warfare and say this is just a sop to 
the president's rich friends." (enquirer.com, Jan. 6)

That's how far to the right the pendulum of the establishment is 
swinging--Mitchell is referring to the Democrats as "the left"! But the 
Democrats aren't going to filibuster for workers' rights, militate for a 
general strike that could flex the muscle of organized labor, rally the 
millions to surround Capitol Hill or call for mass encampments of the 
jobless and homeless on the White House lawn.

The Democrats claim to be the party fighting on behalf of "just plain 
folks." However, this society is divided into workers and bosses whose 
class interests are diametrically opposed to each other. The Democratic 
Party pretends it can resolve this irresolvable contradiction of 
capitalism. But the Republicans are right--this is a class war. And you 
can't be on the side of the workers and be beholden to big business at 
the same time.

A relatively few ruling families hold in their hands ownership of the 
entire collectively built apparatus of production, by which all social 
wealth is created--from Microsoft to General Motors. The race for 
profits drives production at the speed of an Indy 500, resulting in 
periodic traffic jams of over-production. This abundance of commodities--
this over-production--is the paradox at the root of the current 
unemployment, homelessness and hunger.

There is a class war raging, but it is still pretty one-sided. With more 
layoffs and budget cuts, more attacks on Medicaid and Social Security 
coming down the pike, the struggle will heat up. Both political parties 
are conscious of the potential for massive resistance by the working 
class and oppressed.

The problems of workers and the most downtrodden will be enormously 
exacerbated by the war. However, the Democrats fell right into line on 
the war vote for military aggression. They can't lead the fight for 
better conditions at home when they are shackled by their support of 
imperialist wars that are bleeding the treasury.

Bush can't rely on war spending to pull this economy out of its 
recession. His father learned that the hard way when he failed to win a 
second term after the first Pentagon onslaught on Iraq, the 1990-91 Gulf 
War. That war created a wave of debt to the banks and helped pull the 
economy down in its undertow.

Today the terrible tank of Pax Pentagona is running roughshod over any 
obstacles to capitalist globalization. But its own internal 
contradictions are becoming more apparent.

This intensifying crisis has within it the seeds of reanimating furious 
class struggle.

Who is carrying the brunt of the economic crisis in this country today? 
Oppressed communities, working and unemployed people, immigrants, 
students, women, youth, elders, disabled and so many others vulnerable 
to the downturn in income and social programs.

They have a right to call for emergency grassroots meetings in towns and 
cities, reservations and communities and campuses across this country to 
discuss measures that will really help the people through this crisis.

They have a right to demand that the government turn over all necessary 
resources to hold these meetings--with no strings attached. Every 
armory, auditorium and other mass meeting place should be made available 
to the people free of charge to deal with this emergency.

First and foremost on the agenda of such meetings: the $100-$200 billion 
that the government intends to squander on the slaughter of the people 
of Iraq.

- END -

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