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Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Jan. 23, 2003
issue of Workers World newspaper
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NO WAR FOR EMPIRE: WAR DEEPLY ROOTED IN PROFIT SYSTEM

By Fred Goldstein

Global political tensions are rising daily. Washington is relentlessly 
pushing forward with its military buildup for unprovoked aggression 
against Iraq despite growing opposition everywhere to U.S. war plans. 
The entire world feels the military and political pressure of the 
Pentagon's rapid timetable as Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld 
orders 62,000 more troops to the Gulf, with the aim of reaching a force 
of 150,000 by February.

Governments everywhere are being squeezed between the pressure from the 
U.S. military juggernaut above and popular opposition below. It is 
becoming absolutely clear that the anti-war movement will have to 
broaden and deepen its resistance to this military mobilization in order 
to tip the balance and keep the Pentagon from bringing death and 
destruction to the Iraqi people.

As the Bush administration runs into more and more political opposition, 
the opportunity for decisive intervention to stop the war increases.

The anti-war movement in the U.S. is growing faster than anyone can 
count. Thirty thousand people turned out in Los Angeles to protest the 
war on Jan. 11. Countless local demonstrations are taking place around 
the country. Two hundred thousand people demonstrated in Wash ington, 
D.C., and San Francisco on Oct. 26.

And a massive turnout is expected in both cities for the international 
day of protest on Jan. 18. At least 19 cities in Europe, Asia and Latin 
America are scheduled to demonstrate on that day.

In the wake of the half-a-million-strong demonstration in Florence last 
fall and with the European movement gearing up for a massive anti-war 
turnout on Feb. 15, even Tony Blair, Washington's staunchest ally, 
backtracked on his unequivocal support for an early invasion--but only 
momentarily.

The Bush administration has been warning that Jan. 27, the date for the 
United Nations weapons inspectors to give their so-called "progress 
report" to the Security Council, is going to be the moment for 
Washington to declare Iraq in "material breach" and set the stage for 
war.

Mass pressure shakes imperialist allies

The first sign of a rift in the Anglo-U.S. imperialist alliance was 
directly caused by the heat from below. Mass opposition pushed close to 
100 members of the Labor Party to declare their opposition. Even a 
member of Blair's cabinet, International Development Secretary Clare 
Short, publicly said it was the prime minister's "duty" to stop Bush 
from carrying out the war.

Blair, after blinking and calling for more time for the weapons 
inspectors, quickly jumped back on board and ordered the call-up of 
1,500 reservists. He also put the Royal Navy, including the aircraft 
carrier Ark Royal, on notice to prepare for pre-war training in the 
Mediterranean.

In France, a poll taken for Le Figaro showed 77 percent of those 
interviewed opposed to military intervention against Iraq.

Yet President Jacques Chirac, in order to protect the interests of 
French imperialism and not be left completely out of a division of Iraqi 
oil, "told his armed forces to be prepared for deployment, the clearest 
suggestion so far that France would participate in a military move 
against Saddam." (Canadian Press dispatch, Jan.7)

Washington desperately needs to use Turkey as a major staging ground for 
an attack on Baghdad from the north. It has been working on the 
government for permission to put up to 80,000 troops in Turkey. Yet 80 
percent of the population in this Muslim country opposes the war, the 
country is in the worst depression it has seen in decades, and any war 
will only intensify the economic and social crisis. (Christian Science 
Monitor, Jan. 14) The repressive Turkish government has given the 
Pentagon permission to send surveying teams to assess the basing 
situation for U.S. troops, despite the prospect of disaster brought 
about by the war.

All over the Middle East, Washington's client regimes are trembling at 
the prospect of social explosions in the wake of a U.S. invasion. The 
Saudi Arabian oil monarchy has been compelled to privately assure its 
master that it can use Saudi bases, but is terrified to admit that in 
public. And the Saudi government is desperately trying to find some 
peaceful way out of the crisis.

All this twisting and bending by powerful imperialist governments as 
well as dependent but endangered regimes under the pressure of the White 
House, the Pentagon and the State Department, as well as the complete 
disregard by Washington for mass anti-war sentiment, contains important 
lessons for the anti-war movement. Above all, the movement should not 
count on the UN Security Coun cil, weapons inspectors' reports or public 
opinion to stop the war.

Only mass resistance will have an impact.

WHO REALLY MAKE THE DECISIONS?

The driving motivation behind the war is to conquer Iraq and seize its 
oil fields, with 112 billion barrels of reserves, in order to establish 
U.S. military and corporate dominance in the Middle East. It is the 
class interests of the rich ruling class--led by ChevronTexaco, 
ExxonMobil, Boeing, Lockheed, Raytheon, the military-industrial complex 
and the financial oligarchy on Wall Street--that dominate and dictate 
the Bush administration's foreign policy.

These profit interests override any concern about public opinion or even 
the most basic democratic forms.

In a recent major article in the Jan. 12 Washington Post, Glenn Kessler 
wrote about the "murky process" behind the decision to go to war against 
Iraq. He said that "often, the process circumvented traditional 
policymaking channels as longtime advocates of ousting Hussein pushed 
Iraq to the top of the agenda by connecting their cause to the war on 
terrorism."

He concluded that "the decision to confront Iraq was in many ways a 
victory for a small group of conservatives" who outmaneuvered the so-
called moderates after Sept. 11.

But Kessler and all those who complain about foreign policy being 
hijacked by the right wing fail to explain this: Just how does a "small 
group of conservatives," i.e., Dick Cheney, Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz and 
hawks like Richard Perle, who is on the Defense Policy Board outside the 
official government, corral the entire ruling class to get behind their 
policy?

Indeed, this small group did go too far for its own class base in its 
disregard of diplomacy and its failure to put enough effort into lining 
up the imperialist allies and U.S. clients.

But as to the substance of the policy--conquering Iraq--the entire 
ruling class is for it. This comes through as a solid wall of pro-war 
propaganda. Whether it's ABC, CBS, NBC, CNN, Fox News, the New York 
Times, the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, Time magazine, News 
week, Business Week or any other major instrument of U.S. ruling-class 
propaganda, they all have been spouting anti-Iraq lies ever since the 
Bush administration began its campaign in earnest.

And not one significant capitalist politician in either party came out 
against a war on Iraq.

Every so-called "opponent" supported the war but conditioned it on the 
U.S. achieving a broad coalition or on getting UN Security Council 
support. And these politicians answer to the billionaires and 
millionaires who put them in office.

This is because the right wing of the Bush administration, methods 
aside, appealed to the exploiting, looting class interests of the giant 
monopolies that rule the U.S.

Politics and method may separate many of them from Rumsfeld, Cheney, 
Wolfowitz and Co., but the lust for oil booty, military profits and 
world domination brings them together in practice for war. It was the 
"moderate" Colin Powell who engineered the 15-0 vote in the UN Security 
Council, which gave the U.S. a war resolution it could live with. And it 
is Colin Powell who is now preparing public opinion for war regardless 
of what the weapons inspectors say.

Of course, this wide support for the war in the ruling class may grow 
shaky as the combat approaches. War, which suddenly poses the prospect 
of destabilization of U.S. political and corporate interests abroad, 
will inevitably produce fear and nervousness in the establishment.

But this fear and nervousness will have nothing to do with concern for 
the Iraqi people, who will have to face death and destruction. The UN is 
estimating 500,000 casualties in the war. It is of no concern to the 
ruling class here that their military forces will bring Iraqis the 
terrorism of U.S. bombing raids followed by the prospect of a full-scale 
invasion and a possible military occupation.

GETTING RID OF BUSH NOT ENOUGH

It is Bush's war. But not Bush's war alone. A big segment of the bosses 
and bankers who might have been wary at first have now been swung firmly 
behind the Bush administration's initiative. It has become a war of, by 
and for the entire ruling class and its political leadership in both 
parties, supported by its entire propaganda apparatus.

This speaks to an issue that has been raised in the anti-war movement in 
this country. Many have called for "regime change" in Washington. It 
would certainly be in the immediate interests of the Iraqi people and 
the world in general if the Bush administration were set back and ousted 
precisely because it was waging a criminal war.

But in the long run, without Bush, there would still be ExxonMobil, 
Chevron Tex aco, Lockheed, Boeing, Raytheon, General Electric, General 
Motors, Chase Morgan, Citibank, Goldman Sachs, AT&T and all the other 
profiteers that need worldwide Pentagon enforcement and expansion to 
sustain their worldwide empire.

For over a century, these monopolistic forces of aggression have 
prevailed in the decisive areas of both foreign and domestic policy. 
They are responsible for John Ashcroft and his racist roundups of 
peoples from the Middle East and South Asia. But they were also behind 
the Palmer Raids and mass deportations of radical immigrants after World 
War I and the internment of the Japanese-Americans in World War II.

Democrats John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson sent U.S. troops into the 
war in Vietnam, and Republican Richard Nixon kept the war going until 
the bitter end. Democrat Jimmy Carter began the revived U.S. military 
buildup after the Vietnam War, which was then escalated by Republican 
Ronald Reagan. Reagan also invaded Grenada and Lebanon. George Bush 
senior waged the Gulf War. Clinton went to war to dismember Yugoslavia 
and carried out the bombing of Belgrade and other Yugoslav cities.

So "regime change," as a popular slogan, should not be limited to its 
political aspect alone. In order to deal with the fundamental problem of 
war, the social and economic regime of capitalism must be rooted out. 
The war in Iraq is for profit. The military buildup is for profit.

Fifty thousand corporate lobbyists occupy Washington, D.C. They come and 
go from corporate offices to government offices to be sure the will of 
the ruling class is implemented on a daily basis. The working class and 
the oppressed peoples of this country are completely shut out of the 
real policy-making process of the capitalist government.

That is why the richest country in the world has 43 million people 
without healthcare--and rising. Why millions are homeless. Why states 
and cities are in growing debt while the Pentagon thrives. Why 
unemployment grows steadily and workers have to live in fear of layoffs. 
Why tens of millions live in poverty while financiers and corporate 
moguls live in unfathomable luxury.

What is needed in this country is not "regime change" but system change. 
We need a mass struggle to stop the war. But that struggle, to be 
ultimately successful, must be a struggle to get rid of a system that 
runs for profit. It must replace it with a social and economic system 
where the economy is owned, not by a tiny group of billionaires, but by 
society as a whole and is run for human need. The billionaires don't 
like it, but that system has a name: socialism.

- END -

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