-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Feb. 13, 2003
issue of Workers World newspaper
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Black History Month

NO JUSTICE? NO PEACE! 
REOPEN THE CASE OF EMMETT TILL

By Monica Moorehead

NAACP President Kwesi Mfume sent a letter to Mississippi Attorney 
General Michael Moore on Jan. 31, urging that the case of Emmett Till be 
reopened.

In 1955, Emmet Till, a 14-year-old African American, was kidnapped, 
tortured and murdered by three rabid white segregationists in Money, 
Miss. Two of the murderers, Roy Bryant and J.W. Milam, were acquitted by 
an all-white jury after just five days of testimony.

Four months after the trial, Bryant and Milam admitted in a Look 
magazine article that they indeed murdered Till. They provided all the 
gory details, knowing that legally they could not be retried.

Mfume stressed in his January letter: "With the recent passing of Mamie 
Till Mobley, who fought tirelessly to see justice done in the killing of 
her son, it is now time to address what remains an ugly mark on the 
history of Mississippi and the United States. Her extraordinary acts of 
courage must not be in vain."

In January the Public Broadcasting Service aired a one-hour documentary 
titled "The Murder of Emmett Till." Interviews with Ms. Mobley just 
before her death and also more than 48 years ago are part of this film. 
The documentary won a special prize for its Black director, Stanley 
Nelson, at the recent Sundance Film Festival.

WHAT LED TO LYNCHING OF TEENAGER?

The Till documentary helped introduce a whole new generation not only to 
what happened to this youth, but also to the objective factors that led 
to this horrific lynching.

Emmett Till was born and raised in Chicago to parents who had migrated 
North, as did millions of Black people, to escape the oppressive South. 
He traveled to the heart of the Mississippi Delta to visit an uncle in 
late August 1955.

Upon his departure, his mother warned him that the attitudes of whites 
in Money toward Black people were "different" from whites in Chicago, 
even though both cities were ruled by segregation.

As in many Southern towns during that era, Black people faced physical 
and verbal assault just for walking on the same side of the street as 
whites. White men viewed Black men as "threats" to white women. 
Therefore, Black men were strongly "encouraged" to bow their heads and 
not utter a word to any white woman they approached.

Right before Till went to Money, two Black activists trying to carrying 
out voter registration were lynched.

These were examples of the political and social climate that governed 
the economic conditions of semi-slavery in the South. This was the 
Southern plantation atmosphere, foreign to Till and other young, first-
born generation Northern Black people.

Roy Bryant owned a store frequented by Black sharecroppers. Till and 
some friends bought some candy there. As Till was leaving the store, 
Bryant's wife alleged that the teenager, who suffered from a speech 
impediment, whistled at her.

Several days later, in the middle of the night, Bryant, Milam and 
another white man kidnapped the teenager at gunpoint from his uncle's 
house.

Willie Reed, a sharecropper who worked for Milam, stated that he heard 
Till being beaten by the three men in a tool shed. He heard the teen 
ager screaming. A blood- soaked Till was then driven to the banks of the 
Tallahatchie River where he was shot point-blank in the head.

A cotton gin fan was tied around his neck with wire. His body was tossed 
in the river, where it was found days later. After Reed was forced to 
wash Till's blood from the back of the truck, he disappeared.

The murder of Emmett Till made national and international headlines. 
Fifty thousand Black people turned out for his funeral in Chicago.

His mother demanded that his coffin be opened so that the whole world 
could bear witness that her son's face was mutilated beyond recognition 
due to the savage beating he received with the butt of a .45-caliber 
pistol.

SHAM OF A TRIAL

The so-called trial of Bryant and Milam took place in Sumner, Miss., in 
a hostile, racist atmosphere. U.S. Rep. Charles Diggs of Detroit, an 
African American, attended the trial where Black and white people were 
segregated in the courtroom.

After Reed reappeared to bravely testify about what he had seen and 
heard on the night of Till's abduction, he was smuggled out of town. 
Later he was hospitalized with a nervous breakdown.

Mose Wright, Till's uncle, also came forward to testify that Bryant and 
Milam were the abductors of his nephew. He, too, was forced to leave 
town. He never returned to Money.

The jurors could be heard laughing during their "deliberations." One 
juror stated publicly that they would have returned with the not-guilty 
verdict sooner but stalled to try to give the appearance of fairness.

After the verdict was announced, the sharecroppers in Money shut down 
Bryant's store with a powerful boycott.

Mamie Till spoke all over the country. She told outraged audiences of 
thousands in the North, predominantly Black, about the sham of a trial 
her son's killers received and how she would not rest until he received 
real justice.

She sent telegrams to President Dwight Eisenhower and FBI Director J. 
Edgar Hoover, requesting that the federal government intervene in her 
son's case.

Not only didn't the U.S. government intervene, Eisenhower did not even 
respond to her telegram.

This is another blatant example of the complicity between the local and 
federal governments in covering up countless murders including not only 
Till's but those of civil-rights activists like Medgar Evers, Andrew 
Goodman, Michael Schwerner and James Chaney.

The persistence of civil-rights activists-- along with powerful 
documentaries like those focusing on Till or the 1963 Birmingham church 
bombing in Spike Lee's moving documentary "Four Little Girls"--has 
helped to finally reopen these cases decades after the murders.

Another example of justice denied was reported in a front-page article 
in the Jan. 26 New York Times. The Times reported on efforts to bring to 
trial a Klansman who, together with two other Klan members, kidnapped 
Black farmhand Ben Chester White in 1966 and riddled him with bullets. 
White was chosen at random by the KKK. The Klan used the murder as a 
ploy to lure Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. to Mississippi in a plot to 
assassinate the civil-rights leader.

TILL MURDER SPURS CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT

Emmett Till was lynched one year after the U.S. Supreme Court decision 
in Brown vs. Board of Education that outlawed segregation in public 
schools.

One hundred days after the Till lynching Rosa Parks, a Black seamstress, 
refused to give up her seat to a white man in Montgomery, Ala. Her 
arrest sparked the successful Montgomery bus boycott which in turn 
helped launch the massive civil-rights struggle.

Mamie Till Mobley never stopped fighting for justice. She died on Jan. 6 
at the age of 81. Shortly after her death, Illinois Gov. George Ryan 
paid tribute to her in his historic speech in which he explained why he 
was shutting down Illinois' death row to show his opposition to the 
death penalty.

In response to the Jan. 31 Mfume letter, Mississippi Attorney General 
Moore publicly stated that because much of the evidence from the 
original trial has been "lost," and both Bryant and Milam have died, he 
sees no point in reopening the case.

What about the detailed confession by Bryant and Milam in Look magazine? 
Is that not proof enough of who is responsible for this senseless, cold-
blooded killing of a 14-year-old boy?

Moore has the authority to designate an "Emmett Till Day" to not only 
honor Till, his mother and all the civil-rights activists who gave their 
lives in the struggle for social justice--but to honor a struggle that 
is far from over.

- END -

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