-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Feb. 20, 2003
issue of Workers World newspaper
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LABOR'S ANTI-WAR STANCE DRAWS FIRE FROM RIGHT

By Milt Neidenberg
Retired Teamster

As the Bush administration continues to assemble weapons of mass 
destruction against the Iraqi people, the labor movement is mounting an 
anti-war opposition that is growing by leaps and bounds, fueled by the 
catastrophic capitalist crisis of war and recession.

This crisis has endangered many union contracts that provide health and 
pension benefits for their members and retirees.

More than 2 million jobs have been lost since March 2002, according to 
the Labor Department. Almost 1.9 million people who are still actively 
job hunting have been unemployed for at least six months. That is triple 
the number of two years ago.

Since last June, the number of adults who have dropped out of the labor 
force has jumped by more than 1 million. (New York Times, Feb. 6)

"Since November, AOL Time Warner, Boeing, Dow Jones, Eastman Kodak, Good 
year, J.C. Penney, McDonald's, Merrill Lynch, Sara Lee and Verizon 
announced layoffs," the Times reported. "Manufacturers of durable goods 
like computers, furniture and steel have made the deepest cuts."

The Bush administration is well aware that the union movement has begun 
to confront its plans for a "pre-emptive strike"--against organized 
labor and against the Iraqi people. The class struggle is heating up and 
the anti-war labor movement is growing.

Bush and his Wall Street collaborators have begun a campaign to stop it. 
They want to convince the public that the labor movement is 
"unpatriotic." And they hope that repressive laws like the "Patriot Act" 
will free them to pursue imperialist objectives under the guise of 
national security.

This tactic was demonstrated in the Feb. 8 New York Times under the 
headline "Patriotism of Labor Called Into Question." The Times reported 
that last month Tom DeLay, the powerful House Republican majority leader 
from Texas, signed a letter charging that union "bosses" use "national 
emergencies" to "grab more power."

The fundraising letter was written by the National Right to Work Legal 
Defense and Education Foundation, a well-funded union-busting 
organization with connections to the Bush administration.

The letter said strikes are a danger to the government. It cited a 
machinists' union strike at Lockheed-Martin last year. The work ers 
build F-22 fighter jets and C-130-J military transports. Their strike 
was characterized as an example of "shamefully exploiting the nation's 
critical war needs."

The letter described other unions--including firefighters, 343 of whom 
died in the World Trade Center attack, and longshore workers--as 
unpatriotic and a "clear and present danger to the security of the 
United States."

The letter falsely accused the Inter national Longshore Workers Union of 
shutting down West Coast ports recently. That was, in fact, a lockout by 
the bosses. The progressive record of this proud union, one of the first 
to lead and build the anti-war labor movement, is the real reason for 
this attack.

DeLay is an ultra-right, imperialist war hawk, dubbed "the Hammer" in 
Congress. He has been at the forefront of reactionary, racist, anti-
union, and anti-lesbian/gay legislation. He supported South African 
apartheid. He is known to be up to his eyeballs in the corrupt and 
criminal activities of the oil and gas tycoons. And his career was 
inextricably tied to Enron and its former CEO, Kenneth Lay.

Along with President George W. Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney and 
National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, not to mention Gen. Colin 
Powell and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, DeLay has espoused the 
transnational oil interests of ExxonMobil, Halliburton, Chevron/ Texaco 
and British Petroleum--all plotting with the military for the takeover 
of Iraqi oil following a pre-emptive attack.

But DeLay had to reverse himself and claim he had never signed the 
letter. He reportedly did so after he got an indignant response from 
Teamster President James Hoffa, who scolded DeLay for questioning "the 
patriotism of myself and a particular affront to our Teamster Brothers 
and Sisters who are called to active duty."

DeLay would only backtrack on orders from the Bush administration. 
Hoffa, a favorite at the White House, recently became a founding member 
of a group called "The Committee for the Liberation of Iraq." He has 
developed close ties to Rumsfeld and Cheney, who sit on the committee's 
board along with executives from Lockheed-Martin, Lehman Brothers, Bech 
tel and Charles Schwab. They weren't about to antagonize this important 
labor contact.

Hoffa is looking over his shoulder at Teamsters Local 705 in Chicago, 
the second-biggest Teamster local and the biggest truck driver and 
warehouse union in the country. Recently the local passed an anti-war 
resolution by 399 to one stating, "We value the lives of our brothers 
and sisters more than Bush's control of Middle East oil profits."

Hoffa may not want to get isolated from rank-and-file Teamsters and the 
emerging progressive development in the labor movement. He may yet have 
to back off from the White House war criminals and their oil and gas 
conspirators.

The White House gang was embarrassed when Hoffa exposed their 
machinations. DeLay fumbled the campaign to link strikes and unions as 
unpatriotic.

Chalk this one up for the young but growing anti-war labor movement.

BIRTH OF A MOVEMENT

The young anti-war movement in labor's ranks began when Bush started the 
war against the Afghani people. Unionists joined the tens of thousands 
of anti-war demonstrators who responded quickly to that war. They 
brought their experiences back to their union sisters and brothers and, 
as a result, anti-war labor resolutions began to emerge.

As the war threats against Iraq accelerated, anti-war protests grew. 
Organized by the International ANSWER--Act Now to Stop War & End Racism--
Coalition, coordinated protests on Oct. 26 and Jan. 18 attracted 
millions of anti-war and anti-racist activists in Washington, D.C., San 
Francisco and many other cities in the United States and around the 
world.

Unionists, many of them inspired by Black leaders, helped swell the 
ranks of these protests. AFSCME District Council 1707 President Brenda 
Stokely and Clarence Thomas, an officer of ILWU Local 10, spoke from the 
podium at the massive anti-war demonstrations. Thomas brought the 
impressive ILWU drill team all the way from San Francisco to the Oct. 26 
rally in Washington, D.C. They led the march, which attracted a 
substantial number of union workers.

As anti-war labor resolutions were passed across the country--by local 
unions, central labor councils and state federations too many to list--
it was clear that an anti-war movement in the progressive sector of 
labor was being born. And it was becoming more effective and 
influential, reaching the highest levels of the AFL-CIO.

Most important, the texts of the anti-war resolutions had a common 
thread. They connected the war to the economic crisis, attacks on labor, 
layoffs, budget cuts, and threats to civil liberties and civil rights. 
The resolutions reminded the public that it is the sons and daughters of 
working-class families who bear the brunt of war and recession.

Most of the resolutions attacked the hundreds of billions of dollars 
handed over to the Pentagon, Office of Homeland Security and military-
industrial empires-- Lockheed-Martin, Boeing and others--leading to 
shortchanging Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security and the discretionary 
spending so desperately needed by poor and oppressed communities.

Expectations are high that on Feb. 15, a day of national and 
international anti-war rallies, labor will demonstrate its resistance to 
war and recession in even greater numbers.

- END -

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