------------------------- Via Workers World News Service Reprinted from the March 6, 2003 issue of Workers World newspaper -------------------------
"REVOLUTIONARY OFFENSIVE" IN VENEZUELA: ARREST BOSSES WHO SABOTAGED OIL PRODUCTION By Andy McInerney "These opposition leaders tried to destroy the country. Now they must be punished." Tom�s Ordonez, a taxi driver in Venezuela's capital of Caracas, was explaining why he was in the street celebrating the Feb. 20 arrest of Carlos Fernandez, head of Venezuela's business federation, Fedecamaras. Fernandez was a main leader of the two-month attempt to shut down the Venezuelan economy, which ended in failure in early February. The Venezuelan bosses' two-month effort--deliberately misidentified as a "strike" in the U.S. press--collapsed on Feb. 3. Since then, poor and working people have been clamoring for President Hugo Chavez to strike back at the cabal of coup plotters and saboteurs who have repeatedly tried to turn back Venezuela's "Bolivarian revolution." This time, President Chavez seems to be listening. His moves are being portrayed as "anti-democratic" in the big-business press around the world. In fact, they are the most democratic expression of Venezuela's working classes in their efforts to determine their own fate. Ch�vez has declared 2003 "the year of the revolutionary offensive." "The coup-mongering, fascist opposition had their turn at bat and they have struck out three times," Ch�vez said. "Now it's our turn to bat." (New York Times, Feb. 7) Aiming at reviving production in the crucial oil industry, the government has fired 10,000 managers and executives who engineered the shutdown of the giant PDVSA oil conglomerate--the main source of Venezuela's wealth. PDVSA's president is Ali Rodriguez, once a commander in a leftist guerrilla movement, who was appointed by Chavez to regain control over the country's most vital industry. Rodriguez warned that these bosses would not return to work. "Those people got their jobs back or got better positions" after the April 2002 attempted coup against the Chavez government, Rodriguez said. "They took advantage of that policy." (New York Times, Feb. 1) During the shutdown, oil production fell from 3 million barrels a day to 300,000. Thanks to the heroic work of Venezuelan oil workers who operated the industry without their bosses, production is now up to 2 million barrels a day. It is projected to reach pre-shutdown levels by mid-March. In another move aimed at hitting the core of the U.S.-backed opposition's power base, the Chavez government implemented currency restrictions on Feb. 18, centralizing the distribution of foreign currency like U.S. dollars. Most of the businesses that participated in the shutdown depend on U.S. dollars to keep afloat. Chavez also announced price controls on food items ranging from milk to beef and rice. When some producers threatened not to sell at lower rates, Chavez announced firm consequences. "If they close the plants I'll take them away from them again," said Chavez. "Here and now I order the armed forces and the defense minister to start drawing up plans to seize the plants." (Associated Press, Feb. 17) Chavez also announced plans to limit the interest rates banks could charge. The Venezuelan government has also ordered investigations of the five main private television stations and their role in fomenting both the April coup attempt and the most recent attempts to strangle the Bolivarian revolution. The big-business media, owned by the likes of multi-millionaire and rabid rightist Gustavo Cisneros, are accused of broadcasting "propaganda aimed at subverting public order." The Feb. 20 arrest of Fedecamaras head Carlos Fernandez is the Chavez government's first effort to bring the opposition to justice. A warrant was also issued for Carlos Ortega, the corrupt head of the Venezuelan Labor Federation, CTV. The CTV leadership is dominated by officials of the Democratic Action party, one of the two parties set up by Venezuela's traditional ruling elite. State Department spokesperson Richard Boucher called the moves "very worrisome." Chavez was elected president in 1998, breaking the Venezuelan elite's monopoly on political power. In 2001, after carrying out a series of democratic reforms of the country's political structure, Ch�vez embarked on a series of economic moves designed to direct more of Venezuela's wealth to the 80 percent of the population living in poverty. The Chavez government also encouraged the formation of "Bolivarian circles." These are neighborhood groups organized to defend the Bolivarian revolution and implement many of the revolution's social tasks. As the revolution has deepened, the Venezuelan rich and their backers in Washington have become increasingly frantic. The tiny elite, overwhelmingly white as opposed to the overwhelmingly Black and mestizo working class, has organized racist gangs, frequently attacking pro- Chavez demonstrations. After defeating the two-month attempt to strangle the country, the Bolivarian revolution is stronger than ever. Efforts to rout the U.S.- backed reactionaries deserve the support and solidarity of progressive and working-class organizations around the world. - END - (Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but changing it is not allowed. For more information contact Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subscribe wwnews- [EMAIL PROTECTED] Unsubscribe [EMAIL PROTECTED] Support the voice of resistance http://www.workers.org/orders/donate.php) ------------------ This message is sent to you by Workers World News Service. 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