-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the July 24, 2003
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------

GROWING SENTIMENT ACROSS CONTINENT: "AFRICA IS NOT FOR
SALE!"

By Monica Moorehead

The following article is based on a talk given at a New York Workers
World Party meeting on July 11.

President George W. Bush has just returned from a visit to Africa.
Bourgeois analysts are asking: Was the trip a "success" or a "bust"?

Some editorials have made the point that with 2004 presidential
elections coming soon, Bush was especially trying to score major points
with the African American community by showing his "concern" for Africa,
such as visiting the centuries-old "Slave House" in Gorée Island,
Senegal. Bush is certainly trying to attract more of the Black vote. And
he is undoubtedly worried about the growing disaffection of U.S. troops,
Black, Latino and white, who have been thrust into the position of being
colonial occupiers in Iraq.

But Bush's trip to Africa goes much deeper than publicity stunts, like
shaking hands with African children living with AIDS or affected by the
HIV virus.

In his work "Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism," V. I. Lenin
examined the various stages in capitalism's evolution into imperialism
as a worldwide economic system that is governed by the expansion of
profitable markets. Lenin stated, "Imperialism is capitalism at that
stage of development at which the dominance of monopolies and finance
capital is established; in which the export of capital has acquired
pronounced importance; in which the division of the world among the
international trusts has begun, in which the division of all territories
of the globe among the biggest capitalist powers has been completed."

What does this pamphlet, written in 1916 during World War I, have to do
with Africa? Everything. Especially the last point, which reflects the
current world reality of the U.S. drive to recolonize the world,
including Africa.

Up until the early 1990s, when the collapse of the Soviet Union and the
socialist camp was in motion, the U.S. rulers' interest in Africa was
mainly from a geopolitical perspective. The CIA had helped to overthrow
and assassinate pro-independence leaders, like Patrice Lumumba in Congo
in 1961, to counter the progressive role that the Soviet Union was
playing in the 1950s and 1960s, when it provided material aid to
national liberation movements, especially in southern Africa and the
former Portuguese colonies.

But all of this changed once U.S. finance capital gained hegemony over
the former European colonial powers in Africa. This new neocolonial
relationship took root in the 1980s and has deepened ever since. The
U.S. ruling class, through organizations like the International Monetary
Fund, has been telling African leaders that if they hope to receive aid
and loans, they must first bring stability to Africa--a code word for
letting cheap government-subsidized U.S. goods, especially agricultural
products, flood African markets, destroying local economies in the
process.

They must also adopt "democracy"--that is, U.S.- style elections, in
which the candidates with the most money behind them usually win. The
U.S. tries to influence elections with promises of aid if the opposition
it supports wins. The Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act,
passed by the U.S. Congress before the last election in that country,
promised $25 million in aid if the U.S. president certified that
Zimbabwe was making "progress" toward democracy, as well as "a U.S.
commitment to reschedule or eliminate Zimbabwe's billion-dollar debt to
the World Bank and other international lending agencies."

Many African leaders are not seeking U.S. aid. They want African
products to be able to compete on the world capitalist market,
especially in the area of agriculture, the backbone of many African
countries' economies. An opinion piece entitled "Your Farm Subsidies Are
Strangling Us" and signed by Amadou Toumani Touré and Blaise Com
paoré,
the presidents of Mali and Burkina Faso, respectively, appeared on the
op-ed page of the New York Times of July 11.

The column is an appeal to reduce the billions of dollars of subsidies
that the U.S. government pays to agribusiness each year, especially in
the area of cotton production. In the production year 2001-2002 it paid
$3 billion in subsidies to 25,000 U.S. cotton farmers--the equivalent of
the entire economic output of Burkina Faso alone. As a result, African
cotton cannot compete on the world market with the low-priced cotton
exported from the U.S. and other rich capitalist countries.

This is but one example of how the destruction of local economies in the
less developed countries by the highly industrialized capitalist
countries leads to a brake on their economic development and resulting
dire unemployment, poverty and civil wars.

The discovery of oil in the Gulf of Guinea off Nigeria and close to
Liberia was the primary motivation for Bush's trip. This is why Bush is
considering sending troops to Liberia and West Africa. It has nothing to
do with humanitarian reasons and everything to do with the U.S. wanting
to dominate the oil market and increase its imports from Africa by at
least 25 percent.

ANTI-IMPERIALIST IDEAS SPREADING

Anti-war protests occurred throughout South Africa before and during
Bush's visit. Indymedia reported 10,000 demonstrators in Pretoria on
July 9. These mobilizations seem to escape the attention of the big
business press. The demands were highly political and militant. For
instance, a major slogan called for the arrest of Bush and his trial
before an international tribunal for war crimes against the Iraqi
people.

There were signs that read "Africa is not for sale," especially the oil.

The main protests were organized by the South African Anti-War
Coalition, a united front of hundreds of groups that came together last
year to oppose the war on Iraq. The coalition's call for protests
against Bush had support from the leading Tripartite Alliance of South
Africa--the African National Congress, the Congress of South African
Trade Unions and the South African Communist Party.

These three organizations, along with Friends of Cuba, held a protest in
front of the U.S. Embassy in Pretoria on July 9. To quote their official
statement: "The U.S. government continues to display contempt for the
right of all nations to self-determination, the right to determine their
own policies in the interests of their own people. This is evident,
among other ways, in the U.S. policy towards Cuba, Iraq, Afghanistan and
other countries it does not agree with. It remains the critical
stumbling block in the struggle for the self-determination of the people
of Palestine. ... We call on the U.S. to respect the right of all
nations to determine their own future free from any external military,
economic or other pressure."

MANDELA LAMBASTES BUSH, BLAIR

On July 10, former South African president Nelson Mandela spoke in West
min ster, England, where he lambasted both Bush and British Prime
Minister Tony Blair for carrying out the war on Iraq. Mandela accused
Bush of caring only about Iraqi oil and accused Blair of being the
"foreign minister of the U.S." Mandela's criticisms of Bush and Blair
are a moral blow against imperialism
and a boost to the worldwide anti-war
movement.

During a week-long strike in Nigeria against painful oil price
increases, the youth carried signs calling for an end to the anti-poor,
pro-rich imperialist agenda. A new generation of revolutionary African
leaders seems to be on the horizon, who will look for political
solidarity from the movements in the imperialist countries, especially
the U.S.

A number of African thinkers have stated that the only way Africa is
going to find its way out of gross underdevelopment, poverty, civil
wars, disease and much more is for Africa to be genuinely independent
from the legacy of colonialism and the present-day slavery of neo-
colonialism, especially the banks. This goes against everything
imperialism stands for--which is to suck out all the resources from
other countries in order to enrich the coffers of the imperialist ruling
class.

African peoples were enslaved in the U.S. and throughout the Western
Hemi sphere centuries ago, and are still being enslaved by capitalist
greed and plunder. The imperialists should be forced to pay reparations
to Africa, including providing all the up-to-date technological
advances, with no political and economic strings attached.

- END -

(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to copy and
distribute verbatim copies of this document, but changing it is not
allowed. For more information contact Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY,
NY 10011; via e-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subscribe wwnews-
[EMAIL PROTECTED] Unsubscribe [EMAIL PROTECTED] Support the
voice of resistance http://www.workers.org/orders/donate.php)





------------------
This message is sent to you by Workers World News Service.
To subscribe, E-mail to: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To unsubscribe, E-mail to: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To switch to the DIGEST mode, E-mail to <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Send administrative queries to  <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

Reply via email to