-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the April 15, 2004
issue of Workers World newspaper
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IRAQ UNITES AGAINST U.S. OCCUPATION
BRING THE TROOPS HOME!

By Fred Goldstein

April 7--To the consternation of the Bush administration, the Pentagon 
and the entire U.S. capitalist political establishment, the inevitable 
has finally begun in Iraq. A section of the Shiite population in Baghdad 
and key southern cities has opened up a second front in the struggle 
against the brutal and oppressive U.S. colonial occupation. The 
resistance has taken a giant leap forward.

Just as the U.S. was dispatching Marine regiments to try to crush the 
Sunni resistance in Fallujah, the followers of Shiite clerical leader 
Muqtada al-Sadr responded to outrageous provocations with a mass 
insurrectionary movement in Baghdad and elsewhere. L. Paul Bremmer III, 
U.S. viceroy in Iraq, had provoked a confrontation after a year of 
humiliation and repression by the occupation forces.

This Shiite insurrection, coinciding with the full-scale urban guerrilla 
struggle of the Sunni population in Fallujah, Ramadi and other key 
areas, is an earthquake shaking the ground under the feet of the U.S. 
imperialists and their allies in Iraq.

The U.S. military will try to drown this new wave of resistance in 
blood. There are already reports that U.S. helicopters have hit a mosque 
in Fallujah, killing 40 people. Brig. Gen. Mark Kimmit has vowed to 
crush al-Sadr's Mahdi Army. Just before the U.S. offensive, a warrant 
was issued for the arrest of the cleric.

How the insurrectionary forces will be able to withstand the counter-
attack by the U.S. military and adapt to a major assault remains to be 
seen. But whatever the military outcome of this current phase of the 
struggle, it has sent up in smoke any prospects the Pentagon and the 
White House may have had of ever establishing a stable, pro-U.S. 
colonial regime in Iraq.

It was only after the U.S. had committed atrocities in Baghdad and Najaf 
against peaceful demonstrators that Muqtada al-Sadr declared: "America 
has shown its evil intentions ... the proud Iraqi people cannot accept 
it. They must defend their rights by any means fit."

The newly emerged Mahdi Army, along with other fighters, are reported to 
be in control of the south-central cities of Kut and Kufa, and are 
battling for control of Najaf. After having organized mass demon 
strations throughout the region, Sadr's forces seized government 
buildings, police stations, bridges and other installations in the Sadr 
City and Khadi maya sections of Baghdad as well as in Najaf, Karbala, 
Nasariya, Amara and other cities. These militants have engaged heavily 
armed U.S. military forces, in addition to British, Italian, Ukrainian, 
Polish and Bulgarian forces, in pitched battles against helicopters, 
tanks, armored vehicles and artillery.

SUNNI-SHIITE UNITY EMERGING ON THE GROUND

Most importantly, unity on the ground in the struggle is evident. On the 
morning that U.S. Marines began their attack on Fallujah, as the 
insurrection in the south was underway, a letter was read in Sadr City. 
"We send you this letter from your brothers in al Anbar governate and 
the city of Fallujah to say that we are with you under the banner of 
'God is Greatest' and the mantle of Islam. We are all behind Sayyid 
Muqtada Sadr, may God give him victory ... on the subject of 
liberation." (Washington Post, April 6)

The New York Times of April 7 reported what it considered to be an 
"ominous synergy developing between the Sunni and Shiite insurgents." 
The report described how Sunni forces from a Baghdad neighborhood of 
Adamiya and Shiite fighters from nearby Khadamiya joined forces in a 
battle against U.S. troops.

"On a white sheet hung from the bullet-ridden [sic] walls of a Sunni 
mosque were the words: 'Our banner in Adamiya is the same banner as in 
Khadamiya. If they have a problem, we are their backup and their right 
hand.'

"The two neighborhoods are linked by a bridge over the Tigris River. 
Rival Sunni and Shiite gangs used to cross the bridge to rumble. Now, 
people say, militants cross the bridge to coordinate attacks."

BREMMER'S "BLOODY SUNDAY" AND SADR CITY'S RESISTANCE

The insurrection was touched off by Bremmer, who at the beginning of 
April ordered the newspaper Al-Hawzah, published by al-Sadr, shut down 
for 60 days. Mass protest demonstrations were called. Bremmer then sent 
forces to surround al-Sadr's house near Najaf and arrested his 
communications officer, Mustafa Yacoubi.

Protest demonstrations were organized. Writing about the demonstration 
in Baghdad's Firdos Square, British journalist Naomi Klein reported: "On 
Sunday, Iraqi soldiers, trained and controlled by Coalition forces, 
opened fire on demonstrators here, forcing the emergency evacuation of 
the nearby Sheraton and Palestine hotels. As demonstrators returned to 
their homes in the poor neighborhood of Sadr City, the U.S. Army 
followed with tanks, helicopters and planes, firing at random on homes, 
stores, streets, even ambulances. According to local hospitals, 47 
people were killed and many more injured. In Najaf, the day was also 
bloody: 20 demonstrators dead, more than 150 injured." (zmag.org, April 
5)

Bremmer had opened up a campaign of terror against the Shiite followers 
of al-Sadr with this "bloody Sunday" massacre, and by the afternoon the 
insurrection was underway. A report in the April 6 Los Angeles Times 
gave details:

"A U.S. military patrol was navigating the pitted streets of the Baghdad 
slum that is the stronghold of [al-Sadr] late Sunday afternoon when it 
ran into about 30 members of the cleric's personal volunteer army.

"But militia members rebuffed orders to lay down their arms. They and 
supporters hidden in a maze of surrounding buildings showered the 
Americans with small arms fire, pipe bombs and rocket-propelled 
grenades.

"The echoes of gunfire raining down from the rooftops sent Iraqi police 
fleeing their precincts and forced the American patrols to duck into an 
abandoned building. Two other patrols wound their way into the heart of 
the slum, and they were attacked almost simultaneously on all sides. 
Militiamen toppled market stalls into the narrow streets to create 
roadblocks, and combat continued ... as night fell."

For hours, continued the report, "quick-response forces with Bradley 
fighting vehicles rolled into the area, only to be pinned down by heavy 
fire from black clad militia members hiding on rooftops and in 
alleyways."

Maj. Gen. Martin Dempsey, commander of the First Armored Division, told 
the reporter: "There was constant pressure. There wasn't a time when the 
soldiers there could have simply stood up and said 'OK ... Let's leave 
now.' Whenever they moved, there was somebody trying to suppress them."

Continued the article: "It took more than four hours and a dozen tanks 
to quell the fighting. When the bullets finally stopped, dozens of 
Iraqis and eight U.S. troops were dead, with more than 40 Americans 
wounded."

FALLUJAH: "EVERYONE WHO HAD A GUN WAS OUT THERE"

The U.S. military faced the same kind of determined resistance in 
Fallujah, despite the use of helicopter gunships, C-130 killer planes 
with rapid-fire heavy machine guns, tanks, armored vehicles and 500-
pound bombs. The people prepared to meet the Pentagon's well-publicized 
Operation Vigilant Resolve with urban guerrilla warfare.

"As soon as we pulled up, they started shooting at us," Lance Cpl. Jamil 
Alkattan told reporter Pamela Constable. "There were mortars, rockets 
and bullets flying everywhere. They were definitely waiting for us. It 
seemed like everyone in the city who had a gun was out there." 
(Washington Post, April 7)

One company commander said that as the U.S. troops crossed the line from 
an industrial zone they had occupied, there was "a real uneasy feeling. 
Little kids made roadblocks." One commander noted that, unlike previous 
guerrilla engagements, where the fighters attack and melt away, this 
time the guerrilla units were larger and were standing their ground and 
fighting.

The resistance carried out the same kind of aggressive guerrilla warfare 
in Ramadi, where 12 Marines were killed in a seven-hour battle after an 
attack on the U.S. base at the governor's palace. The battle raged in 
alleys around the area.

Now a U.S. helicopter has been reported downed in Baquba. Fighters in 
Mosul have attacked U.S. forces as an act of solidarity with fighters in 
Fallujah. And a U.S. soldier has been killed in Kirkuk.

Hundreds of Iraqis have been killed in the latest fighting. At least 30 
U.S. soldiers were killed and many more wounded. Bush, Bremmer, 
"defense" secretary Donald Rumsfeld and the U.S. commander in Iraq, Gen. 
John Abizaid, are ready to fight to the last drop of blood of the Iraqi 
people and the U.S. troops. The U.S. military, which so feared the 
battle of Baghdad during the war, is now being drawn into the kind of 
urban guerrilla fighting it was able to avoid when the resistance in 
Baghdad collapsed in April a year ago.

REPUBLICANS, DEMOCRATS WANT MORE U.S. TROOPS

With this operation the Pentagon is actually resuming the war, complete 
with air power and heavy armor. The U.S. high command is firing into 
residential areas and destroying houses, schools and hospitals while it 
sends in U.S. troops to fight block by block, commit atrocities against 
the Iraqi defenders and the population at large, and be killed 
themselves.

The Pentagon is trying to sound calm and confident as the fire of 
resistance spreads across Iraq. Nevertheless, Gen. Abizaid asked for 
options to increase troops in the area. Rumsfeld has said that the U.S. 
military will get whatever troops it asks for. Secretary of State Colin 
Powell made a futile mission to Brussels to try to get the NATO powers, 
especially France and Germany, to commit forces. Rumsfeld, who once 
decried the "Old Europe," has said he would be "delighted" if NATO got 
involved.

The call for more U.S. troops on the ground is emanating from both Repub 
licans and Democrats.

There are now 135,000 troops in Iraq on "rotation" and many may be held 
over. There are also at least 15,000 mercenaries--former Green Berets, 
Navy Seals, South African mercenaries left over from the days of 
apartheid, Chilean ex-soldiers from the army of the fascist Augusto 
Pinochet, and every variety of soldier of fortune. They can make up to 
$1,000 a day. These "private contractors," in the employ of private 
corporations, are not subject to any military codes. But this 
privatization of the military is just a way of hiding additional U.S. 
and British forces.

It was the death of four of these mercenaries that provided the pretext 
for the attack on Fallujah.

KENNEDY ON BUSH'S VIETNAM

Along with calls for more troops, the demands to internationalize the 
occupation are growing louder and louder. More cries are going out to 
bring in NATO, the United Nations, and any other means by which the 
resistance can be stopped, defused, diverted or crushed.

Typical is Sen. Edward Kennedy, who has denounced the war as Bush's 
Vietnam. His goal is to boost the Kerry presidential campaign. Kennedy 
neglected to mention that it was his brother, John F. Kennedy, who got 
U.S. imperialism into the Vietnam War in the first place. And it was 
Lyndon Johnson, JFK's vice president, who sent half a million troops 
there. But Kennedy would prefer that people remember the role of Richard 
Nixon, who came at the tail end of the war.

Nor is Kennedy calling for the U.S. to get out of Iraq. He wants to 
succeed with the occupation, with the subjugation of the Iraqi people, 
but under international auspices. But he is right in several respects.

Presidents Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon all lied to the people and the 
world about what was going on in Vietnam. They lied about their so-
called "successes." They sent home reports of "body counts" to show that 
they were winning the war. They lied about the fact that it was a war of 
national liberation, which they were trying to suppress in the name of 
fighting communism--just as the Bush administration is trying to justify 
a war for oil and colonial subjugation in the name of fighting 
terrorism.

The Vietnam analogy holds also in that this latest escalation of the 
resistance, whether or not it is militarily set back, has profound 
political implications. It shows the Iraqi people, the people of the 
Middle East and the entire world that Washington cannot turn Iraq into 
its compliant colony.

AN IRAQI INTIFADA

The battle of Fallujah, despite the atrocities carried out by the U.S. 
military, will not extinguish the spirit of resistance. It will only 
drive it deeper and wider, in the same way that no amount of repression 
can extinguish the Palestinian struggle for national liberation. It is 
no accident that the U.S. high command, according to Robert Fisk of the 
London Independent (April 6), has asked the Sharon government of Israel 
for the rules of engagement it uses in Gaza and the West Bank.

It was inevitable that--after watching the Sunni fighters valiantly 
resist the occupation for a year, after experiencing the raids, the 
checkpoints, the killing and wounding of civilians, the utter disrespect 
of their culture and customs by the occupation--the Shiites would join 
the resistance. The pressure of the masses to fight back has become 
irresistible.

It is true that this latest phase was set off by the arrogance of 
Bremmer and the Pentagon. In fact, it was Bremmer who laid the basis for 
building up the forces of Muqtada al-Sadr in the first place. The less 
resolute current among the Shiites, led by Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, had 
center stage when he made the elementary democratic demand for elections 
by June 30. But Bremmer and Co. stonewalled al-Sistani and forced him to 
back down.

And there's more. Bremmer demanded and got outrageous provisions 
attached to the constitution that preserve U.S. command over the Iraqi 
military for five years. He got provisions to establish 14 U.S. military 
bases around the country. He forbade any new government from overturning 
the privatization laws he had illegally laid down. With all this, it 
became clear that there never would be even formal sovereignty for Iraq, 
elections or not, as long as the U.S. was running the show.

This is what made the present insurrection inevitable. And this is what 
will make a stable U.S. imperialist rule in Iraq impossible.

- END -

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