Cadre,
Comrades must be reminded that the ANC is like a Bombela train, were you find all types of people in it from different classes and perspectives. It is a train that when it arrives at the platform train station, some people will have to get it and other will have to get out. In the same scenario, Sobukwe, Holomisa and now Lekota, they have arrived in their different respectful platforms in the revolution. In most instances we make do not make noise about a person who have arrived in his destination. Last time around in 1956, Sobukwe alighted from the train together with his followers, not even a concern was raised when he arrived in his platform, Holomisa also arrived in the destination, 1996 and today (2008) Lekota alight from the train is every ones problem, now why? Let's begin with Sobukwe 40 years before Holomisa, 40 years after Sobukwe, and now 12 years after Holomisa is Lekota, being dismissed from the train, there has not been a slight movement he made from the platform. Instead, there has been hauling and mockery about the ANC and its revolutionary alliance. Some disgruntled members who alighted from the train have not made been in any way progressive; it is because they are in the jungle. They are not with the masses of people, heading to the same destination as the people would want. Firstly, I do not think that the revolution is under siege and rather I would agree with the view that says "counter-revolution under the guise of democracy" although democracy is a broad concept. Rather, within the congress traditions we have discovered that some people have been wrongly place in the movement. We must then analyse each one of them, Sobukwe and the PAC failed to provide political clarity on the issues confronting the masses our country that is why he was able to take himself to prison without being radical in his approach. In fact it was a statement that "I give up the revolution, jail me now". In most apparent and clear picture of the revolution, some times being an intellectual is dangerous, particularly, when going through the materials of how Sobukwe lived during the establishment of PEC and even after being released from Robben Island until his death in 1978. It is a clear indication that poor links of political theory and practice is dangerous and this what most intellectuals are behaving. While most faithful black General of the Army of apartheid - General Holomisa, joining our organisation in 1994. Yet, in that year, he had emerged from the December National Conference as one of the most popular of our leaders. Holomisa has never demonstrated the slightest reservation about this background. On the contrary, he likes to boast about it. "I was never a sergeant", he recently wrote. "From the word go, I became a career officer...After completing my instructor's course in 1977, I passed a selection to undergo a candidate officer's course where after I graduated as a lieutenant in 1978. Thereafter I did my training in Transkei, South Africa and abroad. The training included...combat team commander's course...counter-insurgency course...I also participated in many military exercises." (Sunday Independent, 20 August 1996) Reading this, you get the impression that it is just a plain professional career with its own academic curriculum. But we are talking, here, about the late 1970s and the decade of the 1980s. This is at the height of the student uprisings, of mass mobilisation against the bantustans, of devastating military destabilisation of the whole of southern Africa, and of escalating MK activity. While hundreds of thousands of patriots bravely joined the liberation struggle, Bantubonke Holomisa was climbing up the ladder of a bantustan army, under the tutelage of the apartheid SADF. "Counter-insurgency", he proudly tells us, was one of the things that he studied at Voortrekkerhoogte. Again, this is not some innocent pastime. Counter-insurgency doctrine is about how to smash liberation movements and popular struggles. It is the doctrine that informed the apartheid destabilisation of southern Africa, and the low intensity warfare waged within our country by the CCB, Vlakplaas, and other third force units (ANC, 1997). Today, he is proud again when 850 members turned their membership of the ANC to UDM. This is the league of the leader of ID (Patricia De Lil), the APC leader (Themba Kodi) These are non starters, lets not even talk about them. "Many of these initiatives stemmed from people who were active in two BCM-aligned youth organisations, the South African Students Organisation (SASO), based at universities, and the South African Students Movement (SASM), based in schools"( Interview with Robert Manci, Indres Naidoo, The ANC Political Underground in the, 1970s: 377 ). The background to SASO's formation is dealt with in chapter 3 of this volume. In 1970 SASO was the only organisation in what later became known as the Black Consciousness Movement. Its central aim was to encourage students to become 'involved in the political, economic and social development of the Black people',16 and to be an instrument for changing society. The Black Power Movement and the works of African intellectuals heavily influenced both SASO and SASM members.17 The importance of this two (2) phrases is to indicate that Lekota was not a bon vide on the ANC. Instead, he was forever gallivanting in the revolutionary hoods looking for a political home. We may even borrow extracts from his bibliography, which he was a member of SASO and he played an important role in the advancement of political discourse in that regard. This Cde, originally is a tower, who was transformed in his arrival to Robben Island and later wrote a letter to his daughter about being an ANC member. In a nutshell, this tower is renowned of writing letters and this is not a surprise. We then come to one conclusion about this tower and the rest above. That firstly, who ever leaves the movement to start his/her own has an element of obsession for political power. [A]nd who ever does not want to take instruction of the movement has an element of obsession of political power. These people in my analysis they have no programme, nor content and form in the manner in which we seek to ensure that blacks in general and African in particular have a stake in the ultimate reap of the fruits of the revolution. We need not even bother about the manner in which he has left the train. He is not a threat to the revolution and as a result we cannot take him serious. Another issue that is frustrating which I think cdes must lead us in linking it there with the court cases issues of ANC members taking organisation to court and then stand behind the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, is but another element which I think that we be in a position to correct such tendencies and their mushrooming. During his reign as the chair of the organisation and minister of defence, this tower, saw nothing wrong when cdes raised fundamental issues regarding the court cases and general political lull that occurred in the movement for some time. Today is not a member of the NEC of the ANC, let alone he has resigned voluntarily, cdes this tower must reminded that "you join this organisation voluntarily and you will leave voluntarily" there is no doubt about it. Where I want us to focus is the current developments, I am saying that we need to draw lessons from the very causes of the expulsions and most importantly, the two significant splits in the movement (the split of 1956 and 2008). Our approach should seek to provide a critical analysis in the manner in which the split of the 21st century might cause us more, more so we have not even reached a centenary. We take these actions seriously and that we are not allowing anything against our revolution, and that we are not going to hold. In my conclusion, I am saying let him go, but 2012 we are going. The history and challenges of the Free State province are some things we will forever look back from. In fact, we further need take stock of the deliberations occurring in the provinces, such relating to the issues of the ANC and courts, mudsling of cdes, character assassinations and so forth. I think that Polokwana, brought change in the movement, in fact it has showed that you cannot lead for ever, at some point you must be lead and tow the line. It has been very clear from my binoculars that Lekota does not want to be lead, instead he wants to lead, and only when he is the age range with Mandela he will want to be lead, and that when he is young he see it fit to lead. Its madness, it just cannot be correct. What is important is that 2012 we are going, and we will celebrate the centenary. We can not do more with a dead man, all we wish is rest in peace! Foot notes ANC, 1997. Mayibuye. 14. Robert Manci, 1977. The ANC political Underground in the 70S. 16. Cited in Baruch Hirson, Year of Fire, Year of Ash, The Soweto Revolt: Roots of a Revolution?, (London: Zed Press, 1979), 76. 17 Thomas G. Karis and Gail M. Gerhart (eds), From Protest to Challenge: A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882-1990, vol. 5, Nadir and Resurgence, 1964-1979 (Pretoria: UNISA Press, 1997), 105-6. Tumelo Makae _____ -- This message has been scanned for viruses and dangerous content by <http://www.mailscanner.info/> MailScanner, and is believed to be clean. -- This message has been scanned for viruses and dangerous content by MailScanner, and is believed to be clean. --~--~---------~--~----~------------~-------~--~----~ You are subscribed. This footer can help you. Please POST your comments to [email protected] or reply to this message. You can visit the group WEB SITE at http://groups.google.com/group/yclsa-eom-forum for different delivery options, pages, files and membership. To UNSUBSCRIBE, please email [EMAIL PROTECTED] . 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