About symbols, and revolution

 

 

In consequence of the Great French Revolution that began in 1789, the
revolutionary flag, the Tricoleur, was adopted as the National Flag of the
French Republic. It looks like this:

 

Tricoleur.jpg

 

The old flag and symbol (fleur-de-lis) of the defeated royal and feudal
power of France was completely abandoned, and no new coat of arms has ever
been adopted by the French republic up to today. By the way, all coats of
arms are throwbacks to feudalism.

 

A revolutionary song, the "Marseillaise", became (and still is) the national
anthem of France. This was the rousing battle-song of the French republicans
in their victorious revolutionary war against the foreign feudalists who
invaded the country with the intention of restoring the old regime (ancien
regime).

 

Thus, it was accepted that the old regime had been fully eradicated from
France, just as completely as slavery was subsequently eradicated from all
bourgeois society, so that any return to the old condition has become
unconscionable (i.e. impossible to think of).

 

The leaders of the ANC in the 20th century must have been well aware of the
details of the French Revolution. In Govan Mbeki's "Peasants' Revolt", for
example, it is recorded that the high council of the Pondoland rebellion was
called "the mountain", which can only be a direct reference to the
revolutionary peasant party of the French Revolution, also called "the
mountain" or montagne.

 

Before 1994, and certainly before 1990, the black-green-and-gold flag was
always referred to as the "National Flag" and never as the ANC flag or ANC
colours. Here it is:

 

ANCflag.jpg

 

Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika was likewise known before 1990 in revolutionary
circles as the National Anthem, and is also the national anthem of other
African countries, for example Tanzania (Mungu Ibariki Afrika). This is the
version that ends with the single word "Afrika", and not "South Africa".

 

The negotiators of the old minority regime at the CODESA talks were
determined that the transition that we now call the "democratic
breakthrough" should not bear any of the signs of a permanent revolutionary
change. The negotiators on behalf of the majority, which included but was
not exclusively composed of the ANC, were obliged to yield to this. This
question is usually referred to as the matter of not having a military
victory parade into Pretoria; but in practice the question of the flag, and
the national anthem, were much more to the point.

 

The new flag, the Y-shaped design that we now have, was designed in 1994 by
an obscure white man called Frederick Brownell. It was introduced by
surprise on 10 May 1994 when it was trailed by three helicopters over the
Union Buildings during Nelson Mandela's inauguration as President. Some of
us, including myself, were affronted by this flag-ambush. In my case I
watched the event it on TV from Mlungisi, a township next to Stutterheim,
Eastern Cape. There is no question that it was deliberately staged in this
way at a time when objection was practically impossible. Here is the flag
that was so brutally imposed in that moment:

 

SA Flag.png

 

The heraldic symbolism attributed to the new flag by its designer is of no
importance. In historical, class and revolutionary terms this flag is
meaningless. It is arbitrary, and this is the point of it. It is designed to
block out any thoughts of revolutionary transformation.

 

This flag was subsequently written into the constitution. The revolutionary
or reformist nature of the constitution is likewise still a contested
matter.

 

At the same time, the ANC began to use the black-green-and-gold
revolutionary National Flag as its own party flag, with the ANC logo
superimposed upon it. By so doing the ANC, in symbolic terms, partly yielded
to the representation of itself as no longer the national liberation
movement, but only an electoral party on a par with any other, be it the
National party, the DA, or whatever.

 

Unlike the French Revolution, which had no intention of ever again losing
power to the old regime, our ANC in theory at least, allows the possibility
of reversal of the political breakthrough. It is this theoretical
possibility of reversal of the National Democratic Revolution through the
ballot box that is exciting the bourgeois media at this moment, prior to the
election of the ANC under the leadership of Jacob Zuma, and in the light of
the formation of the Shikota party. The fact that there is a struggle over
symbols with the Shikota party (that wishes to be called "Congress of the
People") is therefore not a coincidence or an irrelevance. It is all of a
piece with the public struggle over the meaning of our liberation, and the
struggle for its completion as a true revolution.

 

To continue: The National Anthem, Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika, was mutilated by
combination with the old regime's "Die Stem", also partly rendered into
English, in 1996 during the Mandela presidency.

 

A national coat of arms was introduced in 2000 during the Mbeki presidency,
as follows:

 

SA Government.jpg

 

This coat of arms, like the new flag and the compromised national anthem,
has nothing to do with the revolutionary history that created the present
post-1994 democratic republic. Instead, it seeks to create a fictional,
transcendent class-neutral mystique of an ahistorical ancient nationality of
South Africa.

 

Unlike the French revolutionary symbols, the present flag, anthem and coat
of arms of South Africa make no reference to the revolutionary events and
struggle that brought our democratic republic into being.

 

There are parallels to all this in other countries. In the Soviet Union, for
example the national flag was the uncompromising red revolutionary flag with
the symbol of the revolutionary alliance of workers and peasants - the
hammer and sickle. When the Soviet Union was overturned, the national
symbols were replaced with revivals of pre-revolutionary symbolism.

 

The so-called "COPE", or "Congress of the People" is seeking to further
subvert the revolutionary history of our country through a logical fallacy
that goes something like this: (a) the history of the struggle that gave
birth to the ANC and especially to its revolutionary Alliance with the SACP
and COSATU, is anybody's property and (b), that this general property can
now be privatised by simple claim, and thereby become the trademark and the
sole property of the Shikotas.

 

Comrades, there is a view that says, in effect, that text is the primary
form of communication and that visual symbols and songs, for example, are
secondary and therefore of lesser importance, or of no importance at all.

 

In my opinion this is very wrong and is a misunderstanding of human culture.
Human culture is characterised by multiple means of expression and
communication. The integration of all the arts into task of projecting the
revolutionary fact and the revolutionary message is a revolutionary
necessity. No one medium can be privileged in a general way. All facets of
human culture must be part of the revolutionary movement. None may be
ignored, downplayed or neglected. This is how it has always been in the
great revolutionary passages of history.

 

The revolutionary way forward must include the determination, as soon as
possible, to restore to the black-green-and-gold flag the status of National
Flag, and to restore Nkosi Sikeleli as National Anthem in its original form.


 

The challenge of the Shikotas should be met with a full-scale mass
conscientisation of the Freedom Charter and the history of the struggle. In
this way we should exploit the impertinence of the Shikotas to mount a
cultural-political counteroffensive on the ground that they have chosen, and
thereby re-assert the permanence of our National Democratic Revolution and
the hegemony of THE National Liberation Movement, the African National
Congress.

 

More discussion of this matter on this forum would be highly useful towards
the development of these arguments.


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