*The SACP is the future of South African politics* South Africa, in the recent past weeks has been plagued by service delivery oriented strikes, demonstrations and out ward public display of anger. Generally, this has been happening in the township. Townships are where the majority of South Africa’s working people live.
It is the same townships that have borne the brunt of Apartheid and resisted the same with remarkable bravery. Against Apartheid, they demanded the transformation of the body politic in the country to one which respected the rights of all people, black and white, and treated them with dignity. This transformation meant a state which was responsive to the needs of the people and was active in dealing with poverty and indignation which also had a race factor. It was the hope and aspiration of a new South Africa which was non-racist, non-sexist and democratic. The anger they have displayed, put simply, is that the government, in its various forms and manifestations, has failed to deliver on its promises. These promises include adequate housing, water, electricity and other basic social goods. It is a scramble for resources. Broadly, the demand can be characterized as demands for the delivery of social goods which are promised in the Constitution through the Bill of Rights as socio-economic rights. Put this way, the failure to deliver on the socio-economic rights is a breach by the state of the social contract expressed in the Constitution. The response from some quarters has been that this public display of anger was being driven by a third force. However, this third force has, then and now, never unpacked or identified. For a country which has been experiencing encouraging positive figures of growth rates, this could only mean that the wealth which was being created was not filtering to the ordinary people. As the old cliché goes, albeit slightly modified, the, ‘rich were getting richer and the poor were not getting significantly better.’ It will surely be dishonest to suggest that there has not been changes to which the working people have benefited. This is why the phrasing is consciously put as, ‘the poor were not getting significantly better.’ Rather than debating whether or not the working people have benefited, the issue is whether the margin of benefit is what they could have legitimately expected. The issue is the degree to which the national income has been shared. Impressive economic data and complicated figures of the Johannesburg Stock Exchange mean nothing if they do not translate themselves into another meal on the table, another block of houses and better provision of social goods. This seems to have been the problem with these so-called impressive figures. While economists and those like minded appeared in every other publication mouth watering about how ‘firmer the Rand is against major currencies’ and how trading has been buoyant, the ordinary person would be asking themselves whether things have changed between the day before and the day after the day before. It is simplistic to argue that a working person in South Africa’s today is better than yesterday (however one defines yesterday). The question should be whether between today and yesterday the working person has gotten a legitimate share of the wealth of the country. These strikes, demonstrations and out ward public display of anger are simply an indication that something is terribly wrong with and in the structure of the economy. By structure, while the race question is clearly and manifestly important, the crux of the issue is the inability of the economy to be responsive to and deliver people’s social needs in the first place. That the majority of the people being affected are black and in the townships is a function of the structure of the economy. Put simply, the submission is that it is less the race issue than the structure of the economy that has led to these strikes, demonstration and out ward public display of anger. Dealing with the structure of the economy will of necessity address the race issue and indeed be able to respond to the social needs of the people. Strikes and demonstrations have a class character. They reflect the level at which class consciousness is growing within a society. The rate of the strikes seems to suggest a growing consciousness of the people and their willingness to confront the state; state which gives manifestations of democracy and yet fails to attend to their social needs. The people are defining democracy in their own terms and giving it content. To them democracy has become more than queuing in hipped elections and casting a vote only to wait for another turn to do so. It is the demand, and not the willingness to listen to promises, of social goods and services. The Constitutional Court has so far twice refused to set the core minimum obligation of the state in delivery of socio-economic goods. This was in the judgments of the Constitutional Court in the Grootboom case, as well as the Treatment Action Campaign case. It is unfortunate. There is no doubt that having justiciable socio-economic rights in the Constitution is an important achievement towards a socially just South Africa, but this is then significantly weakened by refusal of the judiciary to set core minimum obligations for the state. The result is class consciousness, and class conscious frustrated people who confront the state and demand the provision of those social goods. The argument that these strikes, demonstrations and out ward public display of anger are being driven by a third force must just be dismissed without more. Most of the people who are part of these demonstrations wear ANC and or its alliance partner’s regalia. They raise the picture of President Jacob Zuma, not in denunciation, but in affection and love, after all he is indeed a breath of fresh air. It is clear to an objective eye that these people are not implants, but committed and indeed disciplined members of the ANC, the alliance and or one of the alliance partners. The message that is coming out of this is that the consciousness of South Africans is growing by the day owing to their social conditions. They are being made to be who they are by what they confront on a day to day basis. They are graduation daily from the oldest University, the University of Life, realizing that what is needed is a state that responds to their social needs without hesitation. Given all this, it is clear that the future of South Africa will be the South African Communist Party, or a significantly reconfigured African National Congress which speaks apologetically, forthrightly and consistently working people’s language in practical terms and in theory abandoning its broad church characterization. There will be no difference between the SACP and the ANC. The ideas of the SACP will be dominant within the ranks of the ANC and its alliance partners leading to practical demands which require new direction and character from and on the ANC. The SACP will become the new leader of the Alliance! The future of South African politics is playing itself out today and daily. That there will be significant changes, one can only doubt is if they refuse to look at the facts objectively, and indeed refuse to look at the history of social progress. *This article was originally published on page 8 of the Northwest Post* *http://www.nwpost.co.za/files/2nd%20Edition.PDF* *Nqobizitha Mlilo-in Zimbabwe* --~--~---------~--~----~------------~-------~--~----~ You are subscribed. This footer can help you. Please POST your comments to [email protected] or reply to this message. You can visit the group WEB SITE at http://groups.google.com/group/yclsa-eom-forum for different delivery options, pages, files and membership. To UNSUBSCRIBE, please email [email protected] . You don't have to put anything in the "Subject:" field. You don't have to put anything in the message part. All you have to do is to send an e-mail to this address (repeat): [email protected] . -~----------~----~----~----~------~----~------~--~---
