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Thanks Comrade Floyd 
I will also find time to take the debate forward hoping other comrades
will follow as well . 

Yours for Socialism .

Ranney  Jomo Segage
Credit and Revenue Management 
Tel : 013 6934158
Fax : 013 6934186
Pax : 82214158
Cell : 0824710085
 
The denial of social contradictions leads to the denial of dialectics
as a logical theory


>>> Nyiko Floyd Shivambu <[email protected]> 2009/11/30 04:06 PM >>>
*Some ideological questions on the Nationalisation of Mines*

 December 2009

Comrade Jeremy says in the first article he wrote about Nationalisation
of
Mines that “the SACP also prefers in general to refer to
"socialisation"
rather than "nationalisation". He does not however provide a
conceptual
foundation on what he means by socialisation of Mines in the context
the ANC
Youth League raised the debate. I, for instance, believe the
conceptual
foundation released on the 15th of July 2009 assists some of the
questions (
http://www.politicsweb.co.za/politicsweb/view/politicsweb/en/page71654?oid=136369&sn=Detail

). In the subsequent article, Comrade Jeremy clarifies his position on
the
entire question of Nationalisation as a principle. Whether we
nationalise
now is a question that requires a thorough ideological debate, and I
think
as disciplined young communists, we should concentrate on that.



Probing the question of when we should we nationalise the Mines; the
DGS
(Cde JC) says that “it [nationalisation of Mines in 2009] would land
the
state with the burden of managing down many mining sectors in decline.
It
would further burden the state with the responsibility for dealing with
the
massive (and historically ignored) cost of "externalities" - the
grievous
destruction that a century of robber-baron mining has inflicted on our
environment. In the current conjuncture, nationalising the mining
sector at
this point would also probably unintentionally bale-out private
capital, in
a sector that is facing many challenges of sustainability. The problems
of
liquidity and indebtedness for BEE mining share-holders are
particularly
acute”. I think this was somewhat alarmist, and appreciate the
nuances
expressed in the latest intervention.



For Marxist-Leninists, the question of when we nationalise Mines should
be
interrogated within the context of dialectical materialism, not
through
raising of false alarms intending at causing panic amongst
revolutionaries
in the cause of a National Democratic Revolution. In Philosophy and
Class
Struggle, Dialego says, “if we stress the materialist component of
our
philosophy at the expense of the dialectical, the result will not be
ultra-leftism but its twin opposite — right-wing opportunism: the
tendency
to overestimate the strength of the enemy so that the superficial
appearances of the moment are mistaken for the deeper trends at work
in
historical reality. Indeed, legalistic illusions which stem from an
insufficiently *dialectical** *approach to politics, may even lead to
the
kind of unprincipled compromises which make short term gains, but
weaken the
movement as a whole”.



Encountered with a bigger difficulty of a per se underdeveloped nation
and
almost non-existent socialist consciousness amongst the few workers in
Russia in the early 1900s, Vladimir Lenin never raised false alarms. He
was
instead inspired by the existent conditions and documented a clear
programme
titled “What is to be done”. Lenin never asked “Should we do
something”; nor
did he ask “whether conditions are favourable for something to be
done”. As
a revolutionary, he documented a clear programme on what was going to
happen
and virtually all of the things he said were to be done happened. He
understood that as a revolutionary, you do not fold your arms and wait
for
the balance of forces to be in your favour, but should work towards
ensuring
that balance of forces are in your favour.



The conditions in our country are currently favourable to a
revolutionary
programme and that is conclusively objective. Affirming this
observation,
the ANC Strategy & Tactics says, “Overall, since 1994, the balance of
forces
has shifted in favour of the forces of change. It provides the basis
for
speedier implementation of programmes to build a truly democratic and
prosperous society. The legal and policy scaffolding for this is
essentially
in place. Most of society wants this to happen”. Various other
objective
conditions provides reason why we have an adequate space to could move
decisively on altering property relations.



The Road to South African Freedom says “The main aims and lines of
the South
African democratic revolution have been defined in the Freedom
Charter,
which has been endorsed by the African National Congress and the other
partners in the national liberation alliance. The Freedom Charter is
not a
programme for socialism. It is a common programme for a free,
democratic
South Africa, agreed on by socialists and non-socialists. At the same
time,
in order to guarantee the abolition of racial oppression and White
minority
domination, the Freedom Charter necessarily and realistically calls
for
profound economic changes: drastic agrarian reform to restore the land
to
the people; widespread nationalisation of key industries to break the
grip
of White monopoly capital on the main centres of the country's
economy;
radical improvements in the conditions and standards of living for the
working people. The Communist Party pledges its unqualified support for
the
Freedom Charter. It considers that the achievement of its aims will
answer
the pressing and immediate needs of the people and lay the
indispensable
basis for the advance of our country along non-capitalist lines to a
communist and socialist future. To win these aims is the immediate task
of
all the oppressed and democratic people of South Africa, headed by the
working class and its party7 the Communist Party”.



The ANC adopted the Freedom Charter in 1956 and hoisted it as a beacon
of
hope for the people of South Africa. In the process of organisational
configuration, what was subsequently launched as the South African
Congress
Trade Unions (SACTU) endorsed the process towards the adoption of the
Freedom Charter. In 1962, the South African Communist Party’s
political
programme, the Road to South African Freedom said, “The main aims and
lines
of the South African democratic revolution have been defined in the
Freedom
Charter, which has been endorsed by the African National Congress and
the
other partners in the national liberation alliance”, and further that
“The
Communist Party pledges its un qualified support for the Freedom
Charter”.
The SACP 1962 programme declared its unqualified support to the
Freedom
Charter with an understanding that firstly, “the Freedom Charter is
not a
programme for socialism” and secondly, the immediate programme for
the
Communist Party included, “demanding the nationalisation of the
mining
industry, banking and monopoly industrial establishments, thus also
laying
the foundations for the advance to socialism”. Socialisation will in
this
instance be a consequence of nationalised Mines, Banks and Monopoly
Industries, not the immediate programme of a National Democratic State.
This
thesis has somewhat underpinned the SACP's ideological foresight and
telescope for a significant period of time, most notably when the
Republic
thesis was adopted.

I believe this is a discussion we should have and will never be
destructed
by insignificant other issues, and all comrades have a right to raise
whatever they want to raise. And comrades who want to raise issues with
me
directly are at liberty to do so via email, and we will take the
discussion
forward.

Floyd

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